Bezmenov: World Thought Police 1986

*i\mt

•Novosti Press Agency is a front of the
KGB used for disinformation. It was
founded in 1961 to replace Cominform
(Communist Information Burerin)l
Working directly under Agitrop and .
the KGB, Novosti Press Agency is the
biggest propaganda and ideological
subversion organization of the
U.S.S.R.

WORLD THOUGHT POLICE

by Tomas Schuman

NATA

ALMANAC

Los Angeles, 1986

'BOAT PEOPLE'... 'KILLING FIELDS' OF

CAMBODIA... GENOCIDE IN AFGHANISTAN...

FAMINE IN SOVIET-OCCUPIED ETHIOPIA...

We notice (if at all) the tragedy only in it's last act - when
Soviet-made tanks screech into the streets of foreign
capitals. We tend to overlook how it all starts... We are
being told later, by the media and the 'experts', that —
first, the 'oppressed masses' revolt against their corrupt
'rightist' regimes; then, we are told, the new 'people's
democracy' is established, and it immediately falls in
disfavour with the 'Western, U.S. imperialism'. It causes
hardships: shortage of foreign currency and shortage of
the essentials (food) as the result; censorship over the
media is established; than mass arrests take place,
finally — execution of the opposition ('the enemies of the
revolution')... And ultimately, as usual, the 'liberated'
masses try to flee their 'independent' motherlands by
the million — climbing over the berlin walls, being shot
at the back, or drawning by the thousand in the seas...
And where do they flee? To the 'decadent oppessive
capitalism!'

WHY DOES IT HAPPEN? WHY IT HAPPENS FOR

SUCH A LONG TIME? ARE HUMANS SUICIDAL?

NO, SAYS SOVIET DEFECTOR TOMAS

SCHUMAN, THEY ARE BEING FOOLED.

Fooling the masses is a trick as old as mankind itself.
From pharaos to ayatollas, from andropovs to trudeaus
to 'councils on foreign relations' to the U.N.O. — across
the continents and through the ages — rulers, politicians
and 'leaders' (as we call them today) often indulge in the
art of, to put it mildly, MISLEADING the people... But
always to their own advantage though! For more
POWER, more CONTROL of the society's WEALTH. And
often, ultimately, for CONQUEST of other nations.

Chinese military strategist Sun-Tzu (500 B.C.) and
Italian political strategist Machiavelli have described
the process of establishing CONTROL over 'masses 9
— in colorftil details, for forgetful mankind...

Today, the Soviet KGB has mastered this ancient art
to stunning perfection! They call it 'Active Measures',
meaning IDEOLOGICAL SUBVERSION

NATA WANTS YOU TO BUY AND READ THESE
BOOKS BY TOMAS SCHUMAN.

1. LOVE LETTER TO AMERICA, 46 pages, soft cover,
with charts and photo-documents smuggled from the
USSR embassy. This pamplet is an over-all review of
philosophy and strategy of SUBVERSION in its four
stages: DEMORALIZATION, DESTABILIZATION, CRISIS
and 'NORMALIZATION'. The book will render you
sleepless for nights... But it may also help you to realize
the simple SOLUTIONS of the problem. Price $5.69
postpaid. With a tape-cassette of the lecture on the
IDEOLOGICAL SUBVERSION — $10.00 postpaid.

2. WORLD THOUGHT POLICE, 64 pages, soft cover,
lots of photographic evidences of dirty cooperation
between the 'Big Media' and the RGB propaganda.
Based on Tomas Schuman personal experience as a RGB
DESINFORMATION agent, while working with some
'progressive' foreign journalists. Absolute must for the
likes of Mr.Dan Rather. Price — $5.69 postpaid. $10.00
with an audio-cassette of Schuman's presentation on
the same subject.

3. NO NOVOSTI' IS GOOD NEWS, 74 pages, soft
cover, loads of photographs and charts, illustrating the
workings of RGB's biggest subversion front — the
'Novosti' Press Agency (APN). If you liked Soviet
'journalist' Vladimir Pozner together with Mr.Tedd
Koppel on ABC-TV's 'Nightline', you will like what
Pozner's former KGB comrade, Tomas Schuman, writes
in this book. Price — $7.96 postpaid.

4. BLACK IS BEAUTIFUL, COMMUNISM IS NOT, 57
pages, soft cover, price — $5.69 postpaid, or $10.00
with audio-cassette of Schuman's speech in Atlanta,

Georgia, earlier this year, for a large audience of Church
ministers of Black American communities. This talk in
Atlanta was well received, and brought Tomas Schuman
endless invitations to talk to various Church groups,
schools and clubs in the USA...

The New American ^ A r I Vtf A
Talent Association L\*m>M.j(W

tlIllHTtfttt»tfllfllHIMI

Table of Contents
Preface

1. Background & History

2. Structure and Functions

3. P.R. Men — The Friendly Mind-Benders

4. Novosti cadres

5. Party Line of Novosti

6. Novosti's Connection with the KGB

7. The vicious Circle of Untruth

8. Homemade Propaganda

9. Novosti Space Bluff

10. Human Interest Propaganda

11. Indo-Soviet Friendship: My Cup of Tea

12. Collaborators: Who Are They?

13. Foreign Press Collaborators

14. Services and Pay

15. Overt and Legitimate Operations

16. Covert & Illegitimate Active Measures

17. Pentagon's Gun Fodder or America's Conscience?

Our addres: N.A.T.A. 501 So. Fairfax Av M Room 206,
Los Angeles, Ca 90036. Phone: (213) 934-6224

ISBN 0-935090-14-2

Copyright by Tomas Schuman

1 -

WORLD THOUGHT POLICE

NOVOSTI PRESS AGENCY (APN) - KGB FRONT FOR
ACTIVE MEASURES AGAINST THE FREE MEDIA

By Tomas D. Schuman, former press officer of the Soviet embassy in
India and a KGB-APN operative, defected to the West in 1970.

I worked for the Devil and he was a
bore and mediocrity. Although the
methods and goals of Novosti are devi-
lishly evil, its daily routine is so boring
that it does not produce outrage. It
simply debilitates. For those in the
West (and East), whose knowledge of
our system is based on spy thrillers, the
reality is much less exciting. If the free
world wants to survive, it has to mobi-
lize itself to take dominion over this
deadly dangerous disease called in
APN's newspeak "ideological subver-

Emblem of Novosti

Novosti* Identify Card, proof of the
absence of any identity — both it and
honesty had been handed over to the
'special department' in exchange for
this red-covered card which opens
more doors to the bearer than the
'American Express' credit card.

-2-

During the last months of my career with Novosti, while contem-
plating defection, I often tried to assess the volume of evil 1 personal-
ly contributed to that done by my organization and my country. Was
I really that guilty? Why should I feel guilty at all? My Soviet col-
leagues did not feel uncomfortable with their share of guilt. Neither
did the foreign collaborators of Novosti. Nor the intellectuals and
"progressive" Indians receiving our "blood money" in the form of
some fraud like the "Jawaharlal Nehru Peace Prize" Then how
come, 1 thought, I single out myself for doing the evil?

Observing the world-wide destruction of human minds caused by
my motherland, unresisted and unpunished, and meditating about
how easily all that mind-warping could be stopped, I wanted to
believe that there, in the West, some people and organizations we call
11 reactionary circles" know the situation and how to deal with our sub-
version. They had not done it, for some reason unknown to me at
that time. But when needed, I thought, they would stop us, for their
own good.

Later, in India, 1 was surprised to realize that no one even thought
we were doing anything wrong to their country. Are they blind and
deaf? Or is there something that makes them unaware of impending
danger? "I must defect and open up their eyes", I thought. So I defec-
ted and started trying to open up their eyes. But no one wanted either
my information, or to open up their eyes. People prefer to remain
comfortably, blissfully unaware of things unpleasant. When I arrived
in Canada 1 used to bother all sorts of supposedly knowledgeable
people: the CIA, the media, politicians, "kremlinologists"and politi-
cal scientists. And finally 1 realized that despite the abundance of
reliable data, most of them simply don't CARE. "We don't give a
damn", as my former boss at Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
said to me when I presented him my ideas on ideological subversion.
They are "sitting pretty". Wars are being fought somewhere far away
from their three-bedroom homes. They dazzle the public (and them-
selves) with all sorts of illusions such as "peace talks", SALT agree-
ments, detente, etc. Some of the people 1 talked to were simply en-
feebled snobs who wanted to be regarded as energetic and knowl-
edgeable protectors of public interests (whatever that may mean).
My impression is that they are mainly concerned with their own
interests, their pathetic self importance. "What can we do about half
of Cambodia being MURDERED?" Really, WHAT?

-3-

No, there are no "reactionary circles" hysterical about Communist
genocide in Asia, Africa and Latin America. There are circles hyste-
rical about apartheid in South Africa though. Hipocrites! The most
"reactionary" and "hysterically" so, are the Western lib-leftist litera-
ti, usurping well-salaried positions in the civil services, bureaucra-
tized media monopoly, academia — everywhere the public opinion is
being forged and forced. It was these people who discouraged and
obstructed publication of this material IN ANY FORM for almost a
decade of "detente" It was a well-educated ignoramus in one of the
Western centers of "Sovietology "who wrote me that the information
in my book is "obsolete and outdated." One thing he should have
known: nothing is outdated if we talk about the goals and methods of
KGB-Novosti. Nothing has changed since the Chinese genius of
subversion Sun-Tzu for the last 2,500 years of human history. Some
of the nameplates on the doors of Novosti's bosses may have become
obsolete though, and some of statistics (but again, always on the
rise). Some new names have been added to the list of Novosti cor-
respondents expelled from some countries for espionage and sub-
version . But what 1 have written about Novosti will not become out-
dated until and unless Novosti itself disappears, together with the
whole Soviet regime and the "World Communist Movement". Until
that time my book will remain an accurate, though impressionistic
and highly opinionated, description of the largest subversion system
in the history of mankind.

Of course, I present only a part of the whole picture. I have a suspi-
cion that no one, including Novosti's top brass, knows the complete
picture. In the Soviet secrecy-maniacal society it is typical for a right
hand not to know what the left one is doing. My purpose here is not
to present academic research on the Novosti Press Agency and the
KGB (although some of my chapters may look as boring and as
informative as that). My intention is to give you both feeling and
substance in a somewhat personalized form. This is a narration, a
collection of facts, stories, boring statistics and funny rumors, pro-
found statements and superficial observations, moral assessments
and dirty jokes — all put together for one purpose: to help you to
realize that you, the people, are being had by the Soviets, and seem to
enjoy it. The sooner you will realize that, the better chances for your
survival in the "Bright Future for All Mankind" (Soviet expression
meaning — One World System controlled, naturally, by the "Big
Brother").

-4-

BACKGROUND & HISTORY

Press Agency "Novosti" (which incidentally means "news" in
Russian) was founded in 1961 as an "independent, non-govern-
ment," almost a "grass Yoot," organization, which in itself is implau-
sible in a country where everything, from sputniks to washrooms,
belongs to "the People," that is, controlled by the State. The Prospec-
tus of the Novosti says that A.P.N, "is an information agency of the
Soviet public organizations . . . facilitating in every way the promo-
tion and consolidation of international understanding, confidence
and friendship by widely circulating ABROAD (capitals mine —
T.S.) true information about the Soviet- Union and acquainting the
Soviet public with the life of other peoples ..."
*^From the very moment of its foundation „ APN was subordinated,
in fact, to two bosses; the Department of Agitation and Propaganda
of the Central Committee of the CPSU (Agitprop), and the Depart-
ment of Disinformation of the KGB, for the purpose of planning,
coordinating and conducting active measures against the public and
governments in non-Soviet (not controlled by the Soviets or their
surrogates) countries, mainly through the media of these countries.

The targets for APN-KGB manipulation also include public and
political organizations, religious groups, educational systems, the
entertainment industry (cinematography, TV, companies promoting
"cultural exchange," etc.), as well as individuals: politicians, mem-
bers of parliament, bureaucrats of civil service, labor union activists
and leaders, businessmen, publishers, intellectuals (university pro-
fessors, writers, scientists) — in other word, everyone who is or could
be an influential person, able to shape public opinion and the policies
of his (or her) nation on the level of both their attitudes (and patterns
of behavior) and decision making.

Propaganda of Marxism-Leninism as such (or the "advantages" of
Socialism and a "planned economy") and denunciation of "decadent
Western imperialism" are only a part of NovostPs activity. At the
time of Novosti's foundation, the new post-Stalin era was demanding
new methods and approaches. Frontal attacks on Western ideology
had often proven to be ineffective and even counter-productive,
especially in the "Third World" developing countries of Asia, Africa
and Latin America. The modern age of communication dictated the
necessity of a more subtle and sophisticated approach to public
opinion outside of the USSR. The short-term process of subversion
of key personalities in foreign countries had to be combined with a
long-term, but more effective and irreversible process of changing
the perception of reality in the minds of millions of voters in pluralis-
tic societies.

X

-5-

Under Yuri Andropov, the new generation of the KGB's "public
relations" experts started to emerge: highly educated and well-
trained graduates from Soviet schools, fluently speaking two or more
languages, familiar with the history, literature, religion, ways of life,
and socio-political structures of the target countries.

That was the time of the new "general line" of the CPSU CC
(Central Committee). A new propaganda cliche was coined — a
"third way" of development for former colonies of the West (non-
communist, and yet non-capitalist, but definitely an "anti-
imperialist," mainly anti-American, way of development). Imple-
mentation of such a policy required thousands of professional media
workers, well trained in the Western style of reporting and in the pro-
cessing of information and presentation of opinions and ideas in the
most effective emotional way, appealing to the most basic,
fundamental and primitive instincts of humans: fear (of nuclear war
and /or nuclear confrontation with the USSR); self-preservation
(would you rather live in a "cruel, polluted, profit-oriented capitalis-
tic society" or in a "scientifically planned, rational, pollution-free,
kind society with just re-distribution of wealth"); and love (of child-
ren, motherhood, peace, friends, class and race brothers, etc.)

At that time the ideologues and experts of the CPSU CC had
worked out a new line for the KGB operations which later became
known as "active measures." These measures had little to do with the
classic, romantic style of espionage and subversion of Stalin's era.
Reliable sources confirm my estimate that only about 1 5% to 20% of
the time, money and labor force was planned to be used by the KGB's
affiliates such as Novosti for "James Bond" type espionage. The
remaining 80% of the effort was directed to the creation of an ideolo-
gical climate in the target countries which would enable Soviet agents
of influence simply to buy (or "borrow") the required intelligence
data, using mostly rather legitimate and overt methods. i s.

The ultimate objective of the new policy and of the activity of such"^
an instrument of this policy as the Novosti Press Agency is not to
learn more secrets about the adversary, and not even to teach the
masses in the West in the spirit of Marxist-Leninist ideology, but to

Slowly replace the free-market capitalist society, with its individual
freedoms in economic and socio-political spheres of life — with a
carbon copy of the "most progressive" system, and eventually merge ^
into one world-wide system ruled by a benevolent bureaucracy which

/ they call Socialism (or Communism, as the final and supreme stage

I of this "progress").

^ To effect this gradual change, it is much easier and less painful
(and less noticeable for the populace) to change the perceptions of \
reality, attitudes, patterns of behavior and to create wide-spread/

-6-

demands and expectations, leading ultimately to the acceptance of
totalitarianism. Thus the media is the main target of manipulation by
the KGB-controlled "independent, non-government, non-political,
public organization" known as the Novosti Press Agency.

Structure and Functions

Unlike TASS (The Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union) or the
foreign bureaus of the Soviet official newspapers (Pravda, Izvestia
etc.), Novosti's main thrust is directed from the USSR to the outside
audience. Domestic services of APN are meant to play only an
auxiliary role of "fabricating the truth" about the beautiful Soviet
Socialism, re-circulating some of the foreign news and features in the
local Soviet media and publishing Western "progressive" writers
(such as British James Oldridge; Finnish Marti Larnee; Chilean
Pablo Neruda; Canadian Farley Mowatt, etc.) — mainly depicting
the West in the most negative terms.

Novosti Press Agency's structure is the most evident indicator of
its GLOBAL ambitions. It consists of three major departments:

1. Chief Editorial Board for Political Publications (Glavnaya
Redaktsia Polit Publikatsii — GRPP), previously located separately
from the main office, in Kutuzovsky Prospect in Moscow. This is, in
fact, a large research centre for APN-KGB, mainly staffed by KGB
officers working as journalists and research analysts, shoveling
through large volumes of foreign media;

2. Publishing House, turning out thousands of booklets, maga-
zines, books, etc., in foreign languages as well as in Russian; and

3. Editorial Headquarters (in Pushkin Square) divided into
a) Periodical Section and b) Press Section.

Editorial Headquarters are by far the largest part of APN,
employing more than 3,000 journalists, editors, translators and
public relations officers. It has an extensive teleprinter and commu-
nication system, part of which, through the APN-controlled
Departments of Information of every USSR embassy, simply steals
information from all major telegraph services of the world by tuning
their receivers to their frequencies (which is obvious from the number
and configurations of the forests of antennas on the roofs of Soviet
embassies all over the world).

Editorial Headquarters controls Novosti bureaus and correspon-
dents' offices in every major city of the world. It is divided geograph-
ically into a dozen editorial boards, each dealing with a specific target
area: Africa (GRSAF, Glavnaya Redaktsia Stran Afriki); Central
Asia (GRSAZ); South-East Asia (GRSUVA); Latin America

-7-

(GRSLAM); Western Europe (GRSZE); Eastern Europe(GRSVE);
USA & Canada (GRSAM).

Each geographical subdivision has its own Press Section and
Section of Periodicals. As is clear from the title, the section of Perio-
dicals is responsible for the preparation of materials for hundreds of
magazines and newspapers, published and distributed legitimately
and overtly by every Soviet embassy, consulate and other representa-
tion, in the language(s) of the target country. With rare exception,
most of the articles, photographs, photo-blocks, artwork, and even
typesetting for these periodicals are prepared in Moscow. Some
color photographs are made in "friendly" countries such as Finland,
Austria, East Germany, or even in less friendly countries such as
Japan or USA or West Germany. The most impressive color printing
work is normally contracted to companies in Japan or West Ger-
many.

The Press Section of each geographical subdivision deals with
preparation of articles, news items, press releases, interviews,
reports, features, backgrounds and "exclusive letters from Moscow,"
to be planted in various foreign media through the Novosti bureaus
or Departments of Information of the Soviet embassies.

P.R. Men — The Friendly Mind-Benders

Even the most sophisticated and attractive propaganda has little
chance to influence the public unless and until it is actively promoted
or "sold" by an army of "Public Relations Officers" of APN-KGB.
And Novosti propaganda is NOT attractive. When I was concocting
stories and backgrounders for the foreign media, sitting at my desk at
the headquarters of Novosti in Moscow, I simply refused to believe
that my boring stuff could be of any interest to anyone in the free

world, least of all to convince anyone of the "advantages of Social-
ism" and even motivate anyone in the "struggle for progress and
social change." I was wrong. I did not realize at that time, that before
my article would reach the page of a foreign newspaper, it had to
travel a long way through the sewers of the APN-KGB system, and
then, nicely packaged, be presented to an editor or a commentator in
a foreign capital after a long process of cultivating that editor.

After initiation into the secrets of the APN kitchen, I was given
extensive training in P.R. activity with numerous delegations of
foreign guests of Novosti visiting the USSR. A typical "package
tour" would include not only regular visits to "average" collective
farms and kindergartens, talking to smiling milkmaids and to nicely-
dressed Eskimos who spoke fluent English and played the grand
piano in the woods in Siberia. More importantly, every foreign guest
must be made a part of the process of deception. And that takes a

-8-

person like myself: easy-going, friendly, knowledgeable about the
country of my guest, with a small weakness for foreign liquors, slight-
ly cynical about the thugs in the Politbureau, able to crack an
anti-Soviet joke at an appropriate moment, but above all, able to
arrange meetings with newsmakers, people who are usually un-
available to an average journalist.

By skillfully isolating foreign correspondents and other visitors
from any sources of information and any important people in the
USSR, Novosti and the KGB artificially create what we called a
"deficit" of newsworthy information, whereby a foreign guest would
gladly swallow a "bite" offered by a Novosti P.R. man: a visit to a
nuclear research center, an interview with a "dissident" writer, an
informal boozing session with a group of highly-placed Soviet
apparatchiks "close to Politbureau," etc. In the absence of any other
legitimate and safe access to a source for a "story," a foreigner would
normally accept an invitation from a "friendly mind-bender, "even if
a suspicion were there that the Novosti P.R. man may in fact be a
KGB plant. After all, a correspondent of an influential Western
newspaper has to file some story, someday, upon arrival in Moscow.

Novosti P.R. men are given unprecedented freedoms and are able
to contact Soviet bureaucrats on the highest levels —just to impress
an important foreigner and to lay the groundwork for further "culti-
vation" by establishing their credibility. When 1 was assigned to
important guests, the entire communication center of APN, inclu-
ding the "Vertushka"(Ultra-high frequency telephone network, used
only by the inner Party apparatus all over the USSR), was at my
service. After appropriate sanction by my superiors, 1 could
"arrange" anything, from an interview with a Party boss to a pretty
sex object working as an interpreter, for an obliging and "flexible"
foreigner.

Similarly, outside of the USSR, Novosti P.R. men are often able
to "navigate" an influential person to important contacts within the
Soviet bureaucracy and facilitate arrangements beneficial to that
person, or even to his party, government or corporation.

It all depends on a foreign counterpart's motivation, on his (or her)
personal interests, moral standards, and integrity (or lack thereof),
whether they will go along with the APN contact and pretend it is just
"business as usual," or resist manipulation or even reject the
"arrangement." In my own practice and throughout my 12-year
career with the Novosti, I have seldom met foreigners who would
refuse to cooperate categorically. Most of my guests or foreign con-
tacts would prefer to go ahead, hoping that they were smart enough
to see through the trickery and at the right moment stop short of
becoming a collaborator with APN-KGB. Most of them did not
stop.

-9-
NOVOSTI CADRES

Most of Novosti's editorial and journalistic (in other words, "crea-
tive") staff belongs to the "proletarian intelligentsia" class, or obra-
zovanshchina by A. Solzhenitsyn's definition. None of Novosti's
employees are hired from the street, only and always through the
protectsia of some influential friends and/or relatives, with proces-
sing by the personnel department, i.e. the KGB. The latter provides
no guarantee of loyalty. As a matter of fact, the KGB security check
guarantees nothing, except perhaps the accumulation of private
information filed with the department of personnel. The most care-
fully checked comrades, like myself, with impeccably "proletarian"
Komsomol backgrounds, may turn out to be defectors. On the other
hand, the more "trusted "an A PN man, the more mediocre he is likely
to be.

By my own observation, the largest influx of staff into Novosti
happened in the three years after APN's foundation, and most of the
newcomers were graduates from special, ideologically-oriented
colleges. Most typical was my own Institute of Oriental Languages,
founded, as rumor goes, by an order of Krushchev, after one of the
"old school" Arabic translators failed to convey his words correctly
during negotiations with Gamal Abdel Nasser, in 1956. The incident
is described by the former editor of the"Al Akhbar" newspaper in his
book "Cairo Documents." The enraged Krushchev cursed Foreign
Affairs and ordered a new generation of translators to be trained for
all possible languages of the Third Word.

On returning from my first assignment to India in December of
1965, 1 found half of my schoolmates in Novosti. They held first place
among the younger generation of ideological subversives. Later we
also established the record for number of defectors to the West.

Apart from us, specially trained for foreign assignments, the bulk
of Novosti's fodder was hired from the armed forces, the administra-
tive cadres of the Party and Komsomol (Young Communists
League), the KGB, provincial media workers, and finally, employees
of affiliated state bureaucracies, such as research institutes, art
schools, socio-political organizations (e.g. Union of Friendship
Societies), etc.

The main core of "journalists-internationalists" consisted of about
500 highly educated and well-travelled men and women, each
speaking at least two foreign languages. Of these, about 100, working
in Novosti's headquarters in Pushkin square, belonged to the "New
class" of nomenklatura in 1 965. Need less to say, getting in there was
the ultimate goal of most Novosti staffers.

-10-

Generally speaking, any position in Novosti is desirable for several
reasons, one of which is good pay, by Soviet standards. The average
junior editor starts with 120-150 rubles a month. In three years he
may make 200 rubles, with promotions to "editor" and "senior
editor" positions. Knowledge of a foreign language adds 10% to one's
salary. For using English, Hindi and Urdu on the job 1 got the maxi-
mum 25% "language additional" pay. (The level of linguistic ability
and its application were tested yearly by a special examination
commission.) Comrades who had the courage to write "originals"
were paid honorariums, which often amounted to another 100 rubles
a month. Thus, my own salary, after only three years within Novosti,
was close to 300 rubles (compared with an industrial engineer's salary
of some 100 rubles).

The average workload per Novosti soul is hard to calculate. In
theory, each APN editor must process about 30 double-spaced type-
written pages per working day. 1 seldom saw any of my colleagues
achieve this quota. On the other hand, 1 myself sometimes made
more than 30 pages a day. 1 soon discovered that it is not the number
of pages, but the number of rubber stamps you must collect on these
pages, that matters. The main work consists of running up and down
staircases to obtain signatures.

As to conditions of work, 1 have discovered, after defecting to the
West and working for a newspaper and a radio station in Canada,
that Novosti may only look a bit crowded: 1 5-20 souls in a room 20 by
40 feet, but they don't sit at their desks all the time; most of the day is
spent in the corridors or cafeteria.

Apart from easy work and high monetary gains, Novosti offered a
number of other benefits, extremely attractive in Soviet conditions:
proximity to ideological power and access to uncensored informa-
tion (the second most desirable currency in the USSR after the
American dollar). There is the possibility of travel abroad (and defec-
tion); and one may create for oneself and family a way of life resem-
bling that of the West (so, thee is no need to defect). For sociable
people, Novosti offers the chance to meet very interesting people,
including sons and daughters of high-ranking Soviet officials. For a
commoner a marriage into a nomenklatura family means speedy
promotion and a secure career. Finally, for Soviet hedonists, Novosti
gives a chance to enjoy such forbidden pleasures as casual sex, some-
times with foreigners (when working for KGB); indulgence in
drinking and drugs; and the accumulation of foreign objects, from
cigarette lighters to cars.

If for nomenklatura and loafers Novosti offers a relatively com-
fortable life with a touch of "creativity," for idealists APN may pro-
vide the illusion that one is doing something for "peace and under-

-11 -

standing. 1 ' I knew a number of junior colleagues, who though reali-
zing the sinister nature of Novosti, still hoped that after obtaining
some power they would "change the system from within. M These
people had a tough time preserving their ideals, integrity and sanity.
Many made the painful transition from high idealism to deep cyni-
cism. Only a negligible minority of "true comrades"could stubbornly
believe in the possibility of "socialism with a human face/" These
would not advance: the Party does not need such dedicated idiots in
its higher ranks. 1 do not remember an instance of an honest man
atop Novosti. What I do remember is the fact commonly known in
Moscow, that Novosti perhaps holds first place in the number of
mentally ill, alcoholics, sadists, masochists, schizoids, grapho-
maniacs, etc., and is something of an asylum for all sorts of mental
cases never reported to the Serbski Institute — that is, as long as they
continue to pretend to be loyal to the Power. And these are the cadres
who "decide all" in the business of ideological warfare against the rest
of the world.

Novosti personnel of the USSR embassy in India at their favourite
passtime - boozing.

-12-
PARTY LINE OF NOVOSTI

NovostPs link with the Central Committee's Agitprop is a
commonly known secret some "progressive" foreign collaborators
somehow overlook. But for an average Soviet citizen, illiterate or
otherwise, it is as clear as day that everything, including the people of
our country, belong to the Party. Every Novosti staffer is aware of
the fact that our "non-partisan, non-government and independent"
news agency is tied to Agitprop administratively, financially, ideolo-
gically, and by telephone.

In the Central Committee's apparatus there is a large group of
referents, comrades responsible for the ideological brainwashing of
mankind. Unsuspecting people throughout the world are born and
die, eat or starve, make love or war, supposedly in strict accordance
with the plans of the Central Committee of CPSU, elaborated by the
referents. I met several comrades responsible for the Indian subcon-
tinent. One was called Kutzobin, a skinny, sickly fellow of about 60,
then head of the Indian section. Another was Yakunin, a tall, blue-
eyed Aryan of about 45. Later, one of our Novosti men, character-
istically my former schoolmate, Vadim Smirnov, joined the CCs
Indian section and was placed in charge of the very same thing he had
previously done, in India, at the orders of others.

Some of the referents are known KGB agents and informers. This
fact does not bother either the Central Committee or, for that matter,
the governments, parliaments, security services and media, of
countries where the comrades are accepted and accredited as
diplomats and journalists.

Naturally, the responsibility for the Communist remaking of the
world is shared by the Central Committee with the "progressive"and
"realistically minded" representatives of foreign media, actively cul-
tivated by the APN and KGB.

On October 27, 1967, 1 brought a large group of editors and
publishers of India's leftist and Communist papers to the Central
Committee to meet comrade Yakunin; and later comrade Ulyanov-
ski, a boss in Agitprop. The Indians had just finished a three-week
tour of the Soviet Union. 1 showed them all the "typical" collective
farms and kindergartens Novosti could arrange, and the comrades
were full of impressions and "provocative questions." They were
what we call "unscared idiots" and "truthseekers," who wanted to
show they took our propaganda seriously and expected us to do what
we preach. They looked as if they believed they were invited to
Moscow to exchange opinions.

-13-

Why, they asked, does Novosti use such incomprehensible lan-
guage in propaganda literature? Isn't it possible to explain the advan-
tages of socialism to the Indian masses in plain language? Why is the
artistic form in the USSR always a standard Russian-bourgeois,
whether the content is socialistic (as in the opera about an Uzbek
collective farmer), or capitalistic (as in "Swan Lake 1 ')? Why had the
Soviets selected from all the many Indian movie-makers a vulgar and
trivial profiteer, Raj Kapur, and neglected a progressive realist,
Satyajit Roy, who had won the film festival prize?

The general secretary of the Communist Party of Gujarat state,
comrade P.B. Vaidhya, asked questions for which a Soviet comrade
would get into deep trouble. Why, he asked, do Novosti and other
Soviet public organizations in India fraternize with radical students
on one extreme, and capitalist politicians on the other? The majority
of young Indians, he said, wants to know more about the Mother-
land of Socialism, but they are ignored. It seems too, said another
Indian guest, that the CPSU is reluctant to expose Soviet youth to
Indian culture: the sitar player Ravi Shankar gathers hundreds of
thousands of young listeners in the USA, but in Moscow he was
allowed to play only to a handful of Komsomol members in a tiny
hall of the Soviet Composers Club. Why?

Comrade Vaidhya was very critical of Soviet scientists, too. In the
Institute of Peoples of Asia, he said, there are dozens of Soviet indo-
logists with academic degrees and volumes of published works, but
they never visit India, do not speak Indian languages, and do not
bother to attend any international conferences. Instead, year after
year Indian colleagues see the same Soviet functionaries, acting as
scholars, visiting Delhi, often on very unscientific missions. Why?

Comrade Gopalan, a member of CPTs Central Committee, ven-
tured into areas other than arts and sciences. 1 noticed that he made
the Soviet apparatchiks rather nervous by asking repeatedly in what
specific way Soviet workers participate in the administration of
Soviet industry. Also he was interested in how the Central Commit-
tee resolves conflicts between federalism and self-government in, say,
the Ukraine, Asian Republics and Baltic "states."
/" The answers of the CC comrades were cynical and straightfor-
l ward. The Indian comrades were told that it is not Agitprop which
must learn the "plain language" of the developing masses, but the
masses who must learn the future language of all mankind: the
lajiguage of scientific. Communism . Artistic forms, cultural
exchange, youth contacts, they were told, are the concerns of the
Central Committee only so much as they contribute to the "struggle
for peace and progress" (which includes cultivating radicals and

-14-

terx&ti&ts to destabilize your country, making your capitalists pay for
it, and your politicians legitimize it). Workers in the USSR, they
were told, are to work first, and then to "participate. " As to the "con-
flict" between Moscow and national republics — it simply does not
exist.

My job, as a Novosti guide, was to popularize these Party direc-
tives to our guests, and as a KGB cooperative, to notice and report
the reaction of the guests, and the degree of their loyalty (or hypocri-
cy). With each visit to the top, our developing little brothers shed
more of their naivete and acquired more understanding that being a
fellow-traveller is a serious and full-time job, and often hazardous.
Like recruits to the Mafia, our guests were made to realize that they
could not "retire/' Fortunately, I was able to report "mutual under-
standing" and "gratitude/'

Delegation of Indian Communists at the APN headquarters. Marked are:
1. Comrade Yakunln, 2. Comrade Zalchikov, vice-chairman of Novosti.
3.The author.

-15-
N0V0ST1S CONNECTION WITH THE KGB

Most foreign media people, not to mention average readers, gross-
ly misconceive the nature of the APN-KGB relationship in partic-
ular, and the relationship between Soviet journalists and Soviet intel-
ligence services in general. This general misconception is obvious to
me, now that I have been some years in the West, and have revealed
details about my own and my Novosti colleagues' activities to several
seemingly intelligent Western reporters. All of them, both "leftists"
and "rightists," made the same mistake, calling me a "former Russian
spy," which sounds very romantic, and, depending on one's political
affiliation, either complimentary or derogatory. It is very far from
reality.

Spying, in the classical sense of the term, is the ancient occupation
of stealing secret information, or buying it for money or favors, and
making it available to one's government, superiors, or a client who
pays for it. Spying in itself is a profession, just like any other, re-
quiring training and experience. By itself it is void of any moral or
ethical connotation. Spying can be noble and patriotic, if it serves the
cause of the security and prosperity of one's nation, and does not
harm friends. It can be defensive, if it helps to protect one's country
or one's friends from an aggressor. But spying can also be vile,
treacherous and offensive, when it helps an aggressor, invader or
robber of one's own people, or a friendly and peaceful neighbor.

Depending on the amount of money or support, and on the state of
counter-intelligence in an area, spying can be dangerous and risky. It
can also be a safe and pleasant indulgence in all imaginable sins

But, whatever spying is, Novosti people do not do it for the KGB
more than 10% of the time. Most of Novosti 's work is s u bversion^ by
definition always immoral, aggressive, dishonest and unpatriotic
(the latter, because in most cases subversion hurts people in one's
own country as much as the real or imaginary enemy is hurt). The
Novosti specialty is ideological subversion, which often has nothing
to do with either secret information or stealing.

Thanks to the permissive legal systems in most democratic coun-
tries (as well as in some right-wing "fascist and racist" regimes), the
activity of Novosti-KGB agent is not considered criminal or even
anti-social. Thus, we cannot be called spies: we do not risk anything,
least of all our lives, in a country of the "decadent capitalist camp."
The greatest danger to ourselves comes not from the counter-intel-
ligence services, the police or the courts, but from our over-indul-
gence in alcohol, sex, food, and from driving too fast. Few Novosti
men have ever been apprehended as spies and expelled from foreign
countries (and then mainly from "developing" ones!). It is a rare case

- 16-

when a real KGB spy, pretending to be a Novosti journalist, is caught
red-handed.

APN-KGB subversion may be painless, but its long-term result is
more devastating than a nuclear explosion. Jkeffects .an irreversible
(at least within ojie generation) change in the public's perception of
social, political and economic reality, to such an extent that the con-
cept of destroying individual and collective property, safety, freedom
and often life itself (considering the inevitable consequences of any
"socialist revolution") no longer seems to be such a bad idea. On the
contrary, thanks to semantic manipulation, millions of people,
regardless of race, intelligence or historical experience, have come to
see Communism as an adequate or even desirable alternative to
capitalism, in spite of the obvious.

Not too many people in the free world (free from the Soviets) want

to understand the danger of APN-KGB ideological subversion.

Every Novosti staffer, engaged in KGB work, knows otherwise. We

seldom had illusions about the true nature of our activity; we could

i easily observe the horrible results of it. For this reason some of us

Iwould be burdened with guilt, and seek refuge in cynicism or in the

iaccumulation of posessions, or in sex, alcohol, and drugs. The

majority, though, overcome pangs of conscience, and enjoy the

comforts of KGB affiliation. It goes without saying, of course, that

only a few Novosti staffers, mainly relatives of the nomenklatura,

dare to say "no" to the KGB.

On direct orders from KGB superiors, or through the KGB senior
staff within Novosti, employees of APN may perform the following
functions: the spreading of disinformation among both Soviet and
foreign media and diplomatic representatives; opinion probes and
intelligence gathering among foreign diplomats and VIPs; the
screening of human material, to be recruited by the KGB, among
foreign delegations and guests of Novosti; character assessment of
the same; surveillance of both domestic and foreign suspects and/ or
potential recruits; and reference and research on specific subjects
related to foreign media, public and political life in certain countries.
Apart from tlVat, Novosti staff may participate in any number of
projects and operations planned by the KGB in various capacities,
acting mainly as public relations representatives.

Contrary to popular Russian belief, not all Novosti people work
for the KGB. Some exceptionally stupid "international commenta-
tors" are of no use to the KGB. Just like some exceptionally bright
journalists who happen to have "dissident" ideas, these latter are kept
within Novosti because it is an easily controllable fishbowl.

Naturally, there are no official statistics on the percentage of KGB
affiliates within APN. Neither is there any Soviet counterpart of

-17-

Daniel Ellsberg (alive, that is) within Novosti to reveal the APNTs
atrocities by publishing "Novosti Papers" in the New York Times.
Thus, the very question seems to be rather foolish, or too abstract to
require an answer. Every time a foreign guest of Novosti asked me
something like, "How much money is allotted to the KGB for surveil-
lance of the Soviet people?" I would unhesitatingly tell him to multi-
ply an average salary by 250 million and divide by two.

My own private observations led me to conclude that there are
definite categories of people within Novosti who most certainly work
for the KGB. These include all stazhory — temporary employees,
tall, muscular, quiet men, who spend some time within Novosti prior
to their assignments abroad. Usually these boys already have a rudi-
mentary knowledge of a foreign language or two, and basic facts
about the country of their future assignment. They only need to pick
up Novosti talk and habits, to get acquainted with as many APN
staffers as possible, and learn the ABCs of journalism, enough to use
all of that as a cover for their real job. The old-timers of A PN seldom
express surprise at the rapid promotion of these stazhory to positions
like senior editor or higher. We avoided asking these guys too many
questions. We "understood." And tried to be helpful, just in case.

When, after three or four months, the stazhory departed for the
capitals of exotic countries, we were not envious; they were not going
to take our jobs in foreign bureaus. As a matter of fact, we might
never see them when we arrived there, except at embassy receptions,
where they circulate among Novosti staffers to show their foreign
counterparts their APN affiliation.

Another large group of APN— KGB hybrids are those who rest in
a comfortable APN job after completing a foreign assignment,
having been expelled by a foreign government, or having returned
quietly and anonymously if the mission was a success and a new
assignment is pending. For example. Colonel Bolshakov, kicked out
of Washington for his role in covering up Soviet rockets in Cuba,
returned as a hero and was awarded one of the most prestigious
administrative jobs on the North American editorial board of
Novosti. He knew that everyone knew that he was a KGB colonel,
and was as proud of his Washington affair as a demented graffiti
artist in a New York subway.

In roughly the same hybrid category were those "exiled" to Novos-
ti for various misdemeanors while on active KGB service in a foreign
country. We had a do/en or so speed demons who had run over a
developing brother or sister while driving their Volga cars at break-
neck speeds. They were wanted by the local police, so Moscow

-18-

urgently recalled them home for health reasons. Besides, killing a
chernozhopyi is not considered a serious crime for a Soviet citizen.

Neither are alcoholism, sex with foreigners, or trading personal
effects (cameras, watches, etc.) for decadent foreign currency. But in
excess, any of these might lead to "exile/' In 1969, for example,
burnt-out comrade Tzigankov was recalled from the New Delhi
bureau of Novosti, not so much for boozing (everyone drinks, but
manages to walk and talk) as for stealing watches and cameras from
the diplomatic staff while they were in the Soviet embassy swimming
pool, selling those goods on the black market, and investing the
profits in alcohol.

In the same category, we had several "sex maniacs" who took Karl
Marx' slogan too seriously, thus impeding their work for the KGB.
Exiled to APN, they had to subsist for several years on a diet of only
local girls, while full of nostalgia and stories of their past escapades.

Such as this one: A Novosti man in Tokyo disappeared without a
trace. A month later the KGB found him in a geisha's house. Brought
to the ambassador, he was sternly asked to explain his unpatriotic
behavior.

Have you ever screwed a teenage Japanese girl in a suspended and
rotating basket? asked the Novosti man.

"Never," admitted the puzzled ambassador.

"How, then, can l explain it to you?!"

The elite of Novosti s KGB men are those highly placed journalists
and editors who have traveled extensively abroad and established a
reputation as "experts" on a country or a geopolitical area. These
APN-KG B comrades sometimes are not "recruited," but rather grow
into the KGB at a higher level. Some are not full-time officers of the
service. In rare cases when a drunken colleague would reproach one
of these "elitists." the latter would be genuinely offended. They do
not consider themselves to be KGB informers. Naturally! They are
the "new class," nomenklatura, something above the KGB in their
own estimation.

The younger generation of careerists, like myself, graduating from
privileged colleges (Institute of Oriental Languages. Institute of
Foreign Relations, etc.), could perhaps be labeled "volunteers." We
knew perfectly well that cooperation with the KGB would greatly
promote our careers as journalists and open the door to foreign
assignments. That's why we were behaving like teenage girls at a
school dance: standing by the wall, showing indifference, but inward-
ly burning with the desire to be noticed and picked up. Often we
created situations wherein the KGB had to notice our diligence and
ability, especially when accompanying foreign guests of APN. Our
ultimate desire was to become one of the "experts" to be approached

-19-

by the KGB and the Central Committee for advice. It looked so
clean, so patriotic, so romantic, so intellectual! And no dirty jobs,
like informing on one's friends. Well, sometimes on foreign friends,
but they are foreigners, so it doesn't really count.

A small but highly unpleasant group of APN-KGB people are the
retired KGB, who think of Novosti as a charitable institution. Into
this category fall some security guards, drivers, administration offi-
cials, members of the personnel department and the "military desk,"
some cleaners, doormen, technicians, and, last but not least, our
movie projectionist, Uncle Vasya. He was a short, chubby man, with
an expressionless face bearing countless pock marks, like the face of
the Great Father of All Progressive Journalists, losif Vissarionovich
Stalin, whose bodyguard, they say, Uncle Vasya was. When I last saw
him, Vasya's main occupation was screwing up the sequence of
foreign film reels shown to the Novosti staff, and getting drunk in
between.

Like most of his colleagues, the other KGB old-timers, Uncle
Vasya never said a word about his past career. No wonder. These
days Novosti employs quite a number of children of posthumously
"rehabilitated enemies of the people," liquidated under Stalin.
Reminiscences about the old days might result in severe fractures to
Uncle Vasya 's skull. It should be remembered that every second
family of an intellectual, writer, journalist, etc., lost at least one rela-
tive to the GULAG death camps or Lubyanka's shooting ranges.
This is one reason the old guards keep wisely silent, opening doors
for the children of their victims, the Novosti's "new class." Some of
the KGB's victims' children are now KGB themselves.

Naturally, we despised and avoided those who, unlike us, were
stukachi — lower-grade sleuths and informers, provocateurs and
subverters of our own Novosti personnel. Even lower, in our estima-
tion, but somewhat more attractive, was the last category of Novosti-
KGB: lastochki, single girls employed by the APN not so much for
what they were doing officially during the daytime — typing, filing,
editing copy — as for their ability to combine the three most ancient
professions: espionage, prostitution and journalism. They knew that
we, the male chauvinists of Novosti, had a long-established unwrit-
ten rule: never get involved with a Novosti girl, or you will give the
KGB an easy time collecting information about you. Only those
comrades with high Party standing could occasionally violate this
rule, for the cause of the Pary, no doubt.

How does one distinguish a KGB-APN from a non-KGB? Basical-
ly, by the possession of certain objects and rights which most ordina-
ry citizens, including Novosti rank and file, are denied. The most

-20-

valuable asset, in a society which hungers for information, is freedom
to socialize with outsiders and obtain information from them. So this
is the first and foremost attribute of a Novosti employee working for
the KGB. Relative affluence is the second.

This latter includes a rather long list of possessions granted to an
employee in return for his or her services: television sets, tape record-
ers, cameras, or an export model of a Soviet-made car (Lada, instead
of Zhiguli, for instance), or even an imported car(Fiat, VW, Skoda);
a better apartment in a certain district of Moscow. Every Novosti
old-timer knows that if a person lives in Kutuzovski Prospect,
Naberezhnaya Frunze, or in several newly-developed areas around
Moscow, chances are he is a KGB agent.

Access to a foreign currency shop (Beryozka) and possession of
sertificaty may be another indication. This inevitably leads to
foreign-made clothes and shoes, tape recorders and transistor radios,
and other decadent capitalist toys.

All this in combination with frequent attendance at diplomatic
parties, picnics with foreigners, an abundance of imported liquor, the
presence of lastochki, access to "closed 11 libraries containing foreign
magazines and newspapers, frequent trips across the USSR and out-
side with foreign (and Soviet) delegations, are unmistakable features
of a KGB cooperative, or even a full-time KGB agent.

Even more so numerous phone calls during office hours and quiet
disappearances for lunch tendentious forgiveness of blunders and
professional mistakes by the bosses, or even of extreme laziness on
the job, frivolous anti-Soviet anecdotes and loose talk on issues con-
sidered taboo for mere mortals.

Most of these things are easily observed by anyone with minimum
intelligence and knowledge of the Soviet system. One principle
remains true all through: anyone employed by a media organ of
ideological significance (unlike, say, a magazine on fishery), and
dealing with foreign media and their representatives, automatically
falls under KGB control. There is simply no such thing, in the
Motherland of Socialism, as a journalist in the international arena
independent of the KGB.

-21 -

Time magazine describes Soviet 'official' Oleg Benukh's activity in the
USA as 'comradeship' without mentioning a word about Benukh's
affiliation to the APN— KGB tandem.

American Scene

In West Virginia: Comradeship

<*»>;«%&:

Russians! How aboui il? We look
forward to your response."

That exclamatory request, over i*'

Members or Soviet embassy are escorted by Salem College President Ronald Ohl, foreground

■ ■%A\# est Virginia wants to meet some snacks, followed by a dinnw^^u^ 1 K \& ^° V ,, ^- °^ C( VaV
W Russians! How aboui it? We look ria, followed h» Q\& *V vfl ie«\ aV ae\ea a " vYv \(«s ' fZ c

signature or an omciai or -m'*^ a» »- * \im**_ U S- vV *\ \ W ^ifl" ^ ,W»* °?L of l * e .co^'
tiny liberal arts i^^ei^V 1 ^!^* V 14 \ d^ dcU '; a \W^^,^ m ,W^ c ^ '
world of AppalaV ^^U^^eC^^-tY** '* vfccV \ eve o^* l ?V * dd ^VL(vo* at °- |0 toV ^,
February to the A ^% ^Ko^^A s*«*\£ *ev«: \ <>e ** * ^^ *e^ „**

n gl on. The leilcA =*frf ^S ^^^*S> "J V^rt^X^T

of Ronald E. Ohl,

- ».~ Asiii^^^fe^s

l i ves to West V i rgi n i,\ ^f/^ 0* e ~ "V^ev

Theembassy acqA {Ltfdev** v0 un<^ . v**
and late lasL month a \ ^t \of* * *? A *Ufc° ufen

l0 ° ' «as&e^ w, ad

is**

*«e*

\9»*

■^V(At.'

Moscow, APN headquarters. Left to right: Oleg Benukh, an Indian
diplomat and the author during a 'press-conference'.

-22-

THE VICIOUS CIRCLE OF UNTRUTH

An abundant source of raw material for Novosti propaganda can
be found in foreign media, both"progressive"and reactionary." Any
leftist or openly Communist (wherever they are legalized) newspaper
as a rule toes the Soviet propaganda line and reprints an average of
40% of the materials which are supplied either by Novosti itself
(directly or through the foreign bureau of APN), or written locally.
Some are borrowed from press releases of TASS, and from Soviet
"official" publications abroad (such as Soviet Life, Soviet Land,
Soviet Woman), and finally from publications of various front
organizations created and maintained by the Central Committee
through KGB or Novosti (World Council of Churches, World Peace
Council, all sorts of "anti" groups — antiwar, antipollution, anti-
nuclear, some trade unions and radical student groups, etc.).

A great part of the local coverage of such events as strikes, anti-
establishment demonstrations, or violent clashes between the police
and "protesters," almost automatically finds its place on the pages of
leftist media, and is consequently picked up by Novosti for reproces-
sing as "an expression of predominant public opinion."

All these reports, depicting the West (or free Eastern countries,
such as South Korea, Philippines or Thailand) in the darkest possible
colors, are lovingly collected by Novosti personnel abroad and sent
to Moscow. Here the material is updated, distorted, supplied with
editorial comments and such references as: "quoted from an influen-
tial Western (Eastern) newspaper" (The Daily Worker, Aka Hata,
etc.), and re-issued to foreign countries, sometimes the countries of
its origin, this time as Novosti releases.

A considerable amount of this propaganda is used by the Soviet
domestic media for the purpose of convincing the people of the USSR
that the outside world, in strict accordance with the prophecies of the
classics from Marx to Suslov, rapidly stagnates and is ripe for "libe-
ration" by the world Communist movement, or as the media calls it,
"national liberation forces." Sometimes, for authenticity, Pravda or
Izvestia would even reprint a facsimile of the front page of a foreign
Communist periodical. The most common cause of such "borrow-
ing" is the reprinting of photographs from foreign publications and
supplying them to the Soviet (or socialist countries 1 ) domestic media
with APN-made captions, with distorted or totally opposite
meanings.

The impact of such propaganda on the Soviet public opinion is
substantial. If not the content itself, then the mere fact of its exist-
ence, unpunished and unopposed by the Free World, impresses an
uninformed Soviet reader in favor of the "historically inevitable
advance of Communism the world over." In combination with
"straight" news about various "majority rule" and "anti-colonial"
wars successfully waged by the Soviet-trained and indoctrinated
terrorists forces in Asia, Africa and Latin America, this further con-
vinces the Soviet public, even those who have access to short-wave
foreign broadcasts, that Communism IS victorious, invincible and
desired by millions of their "developing" brothers. The final and
tragic result of it for the Soviet people is that if and when a Soviet
soldier were given an order to "liberate" Afghanistan, Angola or El
Salvador, he would do it with unprecedented cruelty, in direct pro-
portion to his ignorance and the volume of propaganda pumped into
him, thanks to the vicious circle of untruth.

The "reactionary" media, not under the direct control of Com-
munists or the KGB, also renders a great service to Novosti by focus-
ing its attention mainly on bad news as though it were the only news
fit to print. Such sensational stories as Watergate, CI A wrongdoings,
the Pentagon Papers, etc., forcibly fed to the public, are a great
inspiration for the APN, but contribute hardly anything to the resto-
ration of justice in America. Most of the materials of that type were
reprocessed by a special Department of Political Publications
(GRPP), headed in the 196(Ts by Norman Borodin, a KGB disinfor-
mation expert.

Homemade Propaganda

The most useful internal source of propaganda material is Novos-
ti s daily press release, some thirty pages thick, containing from six to
ten articles from the Soviet or "brotherly Socialist" media (both
printed and electronic), and sometimes from leftist foreign media, all
pre-packaged and already translated (badly) into four European
languages: English, German, Spanish and French. If, on orders from
my boss comrade Makhotin, 1 found several appropriate articles in
Komsomolskaya Pravda or Krasnaya Zvezda, before 1 bothered to
sit down and edit them for Indian readers I would check the title list
in the morning APN bulletin. If my titles was in it, I would simply
wait for an English copy of the bulletin, which came to our room
after lunch, tear the needed article from my copy of the bulletin,
attach the anketa, maybe cut out two or three paragraphs, and voila!
put it on Makhotin's desk.

The APN bulletin was an excellent filler, but not sufficiently high
quality to meet some requests by Indian newspapers. In this case I

-24-

had two alternatives: either process the English copy myself, re-
writing parts of it in an appropriate style for Indian readers, write a
new original under my own name combining something from TASS.
something from the clipping room files, and something from my own
imagination. The latter needed a special OK from Makhotin or a
senior editor of the section. Sometimes the subject assigned to me
was unfamiliar to me, and 1 had another alternative: find an author
within Novosti who happened to be an expert in the given field. This
took some telephoning, some running along corridors, some chasing
into the cafeteria or a restaurant, and finally, a certain power of per-
suasion.

Not unlike the GULAG prison "research institutes." called
sharashki, where our people's state lovingly collects experts in all
imaginable professions, from snake charmers to rocket designers,
Novosti employs several hundred jacks of all trades good for only
one thing: fabricating the "truth." Without leaving the premises of
APN, one may find an author capable of writingan article on almost
any subject. They may be officially employed (oformleny) as junior
or senior editors, commentators, translators, layout artists or even
typists, but come the chance and inspiration (in the form of a fat
honorarium), they spring into creative activity.

We had our own astronomers and mathematicians in a special
science department headed by a Madame Lunacharsky, the daughter
of the late famous Soviet commisar of culture, who, so the story goes,
saved dozens of pre-revolutionary intellectuals from Lenin's labor
camps or Dzerdzhinsky's execution basements. Madame Lunachar-
sky did not have to do the same, thanks to Brezhnev: today all our
worthy intellectuals are simply treated as mental cases and sent to
Serbsky Institute, affiliated with the KGB.

We had our own agronomists, on a par with Lysenko. or possibly
better, for during all their career within Novosti they never need
bother to visit a collective farm, find a "sabotazhnik" refusing to
grow corn Kruschchev style, and send him to the KGB prison, the
way Lysenko did to hundreds of his opponents in agriculture.

Novosti Space Bluff

"Conquering space" was Novosti's favorite subject for propagan-
da, from the time of its establishment. Space research was also the
most salable subject in the West. Novosti, while losing money on
topics like collectivization or "national liberation, " made a fortune
selling rhapsodic, sweet stories about Soviet space "pilots," from
Yuri Gagarin on, to stupid Western (and Eastern) newspapers and
magazines.

-25-

The initial Soviet space "ships" were nothing but tin cans launched
into orbit, with a helpless Cosmonaut huddled inside, just to impress
the West and to prove non-existent Soviet supremacy in the space
race.

To keep the hard currency rolling in, Novosti opened a special
"space center," headed by a curly-haired young man, the son-in-law
of a famous (but under an assumed name, for reasons of secrecy)
Soviet space rocket designer. This curly cretin, who looked like a
football player, walked Novosti's corridors in foreign-tailored suits,
imitating an American movie star. From time to time he would call
dispatch for a black Volga car with a radio-telephone to rush him at
breakneck speed from NovostTs glass entrance to the "Star City." He
was one of the few APN staffers privileged with a permanent pass to
the "Star City,"a small suburban township where Soviet cosmonauts
and their families live in conditions similar to those of American
university students. There was no need for paranoid security
arrangements such as tall fences with barbed wire at the top, guard
dogs and sentries with machine guns. The Soviet space guinea-pigs
(called "pilots" in the Western press) didn't know any secrets worth
stealing (apart from the commonly known "secret" that the Soviet
space research programs were designed mainly for military and
aggressive purposes). The most insane PLO terrorist would not dare
or bother to kidnap the cosmonauts, knowing pretty well that the
Kremlin would not give a kopeck of ransom for the lives of the
"pilots." The main purpose of the security was to conceal the relative
affluence of the Star City inhabitants from the hungry stares of
common Soviet people. They say there is a self-service gastronom
(grocery store) where one takes as much food into a cart (a cart, not a
bag!) as one wishes . . .

On returning from the Star City sometimes in the company of a
suspiciously happy foreigner or two, all of them breathing vodka,
our curly cretin would be frantically active for a couple of days. Cosmo-
nauts would meet foreign guests, sign autographs, give interviews
and smile for cameramen. The result of all this farce was usually
several articles in respectable Western magazines, such as Pari-
MarcK with lots of photographs which made our space monkeys
look like a hybrid of Tarzanand Einstein and Levitanand Rostropo-
vich: they played cellos, wrote endless formulae on blackboards,
painted imaginary scenery from distant planets, did unimaginable
tricks on the parallel bars, and above all, were dedicated Party mem-
bers and excellent family men. Large circulation foreign papers
picked this up obediently, especially if we claimed that the stuff was
"exclusive," or better yet, "secret," and de-classified only as a per-
sonal favor of APN to George Pompidu.

-26-

The space features supposedly written by the cosmonauts, and
supplemented with impressive drawings and diagrams were okayed
not by our Novosti censors, but somewhere high above, possibly by
comrade Korolyov himself (the chief Soviet space rocket designer,
who died in the early \910's). The stuff was written, though, not by
any cosmonauts, but by the same curly schizoid who headed Novos-
ti's "space center"; and far from being "exclusively" written for any
client, it was a typical APN mass production designed to convince
the duped Western (even more so Eastern) public of the supremacy of
the "new man of the Communist tomorrow."

Unlike the "useful idiots" of the Western media, we the Novosti
men of that time knew well that the Soviet supermen simply did not
have time for playing cellos and attending to their families; most of
their time was divided roughly between alcoholic orgies in Moscow's
Sandoony steambaths, and being exploited as instruments for pro-
paganda during various "international scientific and peace forums."

After Yuri Gagarin died in a jet plane crash, we were the first
"ordinary people" to hear the rumors that our lovable superman was
gloriously drunk, and some of us, who knew Gagarin personally,
suspected that Yuri preferred death — in space or on Mother Earth
— to the miserable existence of a propaganda doll. But even this
tragic event Novosti turned to the advantage of propaganda, hinting
in several "unofficially leaked" reports something to the effect that,
"One dare not call himself Russian if he is not fond of a fast troika
ride" (an expression popularized by Gogol, a classic 19th century
Russian writer).

Space mania lasted roughly from 1963 to 1969, the time of the
spectacular American landing on the moon, skillfully played down
by some Western media traitors. All these years we knew that our
"achievements" were a bluff and could not help but feel sorry about
the enthusiasm of the Western media. Few of us were brave enough
to give a tip to foreign press, but would they listen to us? Several years
later Soviet defector L. Vladimirov-Finkelstein, former editor of a
science magazine, tried stubbornly to break through the wall of
naivete and ignorance of Western publishers and to reveal the truth
about the space race in his brilliant and brutally honest book "Rus-
sian Space Bluff." It took the US landing on the moon to make the
West change its mind about the faked Soviet space "supremacy"and
get rid of its inferiority complex. It only proves, to my mind, how
deadly efficient can be Novosti's propaganda.

Human Interest Propaganda

Apart from the subject of space, Novosti would periodically have
fits of propaganda on various topics of "human interest. " There was

- 27 -

never a lack of authors within Novosti capable of concocting any-
thing in this area. Thus, in the mid-sixties, simultaneously with the
KGB-inspired student riots in Western universities, Novosti un-
folded a "Youth Campaign, " trying to prove to the decadent West
that we do not have any "gaps" between our generations. We are
monolithic, united and profoundly patriotic! More, we are inter-
nationalists, always ready to extend our helping hand to all the
oppressed youth in capitalist countries (which we did very successful-
ly!). At the time your Jane Fondas and Pete Seagers promoted
"peace" in Vietnam, singing: "Felix, don't be a hero, don't go to war,"
our Novosti boys were busy concocting fiery propaganda songs on
the "liberation struggle." Partly thanks to APN and Fondas, Amer-
ica stalemated by barefoot bandits in Asia and plunged into endless
radical youth terrorism at home. The Novosti authors of the "youth"
propaganda had sleepless nights and endless alcoholic cycles, bur-
dened with guilt for what we did to the feeble minds of Western
youth. Fondas and Seagers do not have even a hint of repentance.
Yielding to the renaissance of Russian Christianity after half a cen-
tury of atheistic Communism (a phenomenon comparable to the
revival of Zionism and Hebrew in Israel), Novosti in the late 60's and
early 70's started vigorously promoting the "Old Mother Russia"
motif in its propaganda. We wanted to prove to the world that we
love our churches and keep them in perfect order as museums, and to
let the tourists see our freedom of faith.

Most of Novosti's foreign periodicals carried cover photos of
countless troikas, blinis, samovars, icons, etc. — the stuff naive
Westerners love so much. It was fun for the foreign media, and a
chance for APN to earn extra money, but also a time to shine for
some genuine lovers of Russia's neglected and trampled culture. I
knew a fellow who was a self-made expert on old Russian architec-
ture and folklore. On his day off, instead of wasting his time watching
football or hockey on TV, he would spend the day walking through
Moscow countryside villages in search of ruins of old churches and
monasteries. He had a large collection of photographs of Russia's
past monuments. For several years, though officially a junior editor
of Soviet Land magazine (part of India's section), he was an authori-
ty for Novosti's "Mother Russia" campaign.

Less spectacular authors wrote on metallurgy, postage stamps,
telekinesis, heart transplants, ballet, sports, etc.

The sports section of Novosti catered very successfully to the sen-
sationalist tastes of such media clients as Canada's CBC (Canadian
Broadcasting Corporation). Obsessed with hockey, the Canadians
paid Novosti astronomical sums for grossly unfair matches between
such rivals as professional (in the commercial sense) Canadian teams

-28-

and the "amateur" gladiators of the Soviet Army. Naturally, Novosti
never forgot the main purpose of the deal: to convince the Canadian
(and other Western) hockey addicts that Socialist hockey is invinci-
ble!

Some Novosti sports commentators were of as high a journalistic
caliber as their Western counterparts or higher. I personally knew
Sasha Mariamov, a tall, skinny fellow of about 35 whose sports
reviews read like detective stories. These pieces of propaganda 1
would dispatch to the Indian media feeling no guilt; they were more
or less harmless and did not call for any "class struggle. "

lndo-Soviet Friendship: My Cup of Tea

The privilege of writing "originals 11 on subjects related to Indo-
Soviet relations was, of course, given to the staff of the Asian
Department (GRS AS), including myself. The OK was given to me by
comrade Makhotin in those cases where neither the clipping files nor
any other part of Novosti's plumbing contained the needed material,
or when there was a chance to cover some lndo-Soviet happening in
Moscow.

The latter included such occasions as, for example, the opening of
an exhibition, ironically, of Indian dolls and puppets in a branch of
Moscow's Museum of Oriental Cultures. The process of covering
such an event is similar to that in any other country's media, with
certain peculiarities. They were always attended by exactly the same
set of people, a kind of professional team of "official guests."
Whether it was a puppet exhibition, or an "evening of lndo-Soviet
economic cooperation anniversary" in the Friendship House, or
whatever, I always met the same "representative of the Soviet
public": illiterate professor of Indian languages Dr. Balabushevich,
for instance. Or youngish divorcee lrina Ershova, an official of the
"USSR-India Friendship Society." Comrade Ershova was a pretty
lady who had the unusual ability to sit long hours in various presi-
diums without showing the slightest sign of boredom or tendency to
fall asleep. She was a lovely and almost compulsory decoration to
any lndo-Soviet propaganda gathering.

Another must was a young but extremely promising diplomat.
Igor Boni, several years a consular official in Bombay, who had
acquired the reputation of a "pukka sahib" (real gentleman) among
the Indian staff for his fluent Hindustani and flawless manners.

His opposite was a professor of Hindustani from the Moscow
Institute of Foreign Relations, comrade Oleg Ultsiferov. an unculti-
vated young man speaking fluent but badly broken Urdu, especially
while consuming considerable volumes of liquor at diplomatic

-29-

Tomas Schuman (right lower corner) at a meeting of the Indo-Soviet
'Cultural' organization In New Delhi.

Tomas Schuman (right) socializing with foreign students at the Patrice
Lumumba 'Friendship university' in Moscow.

-30-

receptions. This character would appear to be very trustworthy;
many would confide in him; and all the secrets and the gossip were
guaranteed to reach the KGB in record time.

A valuable contribution to any gathering was KGB Colonel Erzin,
dean of something-or- other at the notorious spy school called the
Patrice Lumumba Friendship University. Comrade Colonel also
spoke some foreign languages.

After these there would follow an assortment of small fry: several
students from Lumumba, a couple of lastochki from UPDKA (the
department of the KGB rendering domestic and secretarial services
to foreign diplomats in Moscow), and finally, a troika of Indian
diplomats: sometimes his excellency Kewal Singh, the ambassador,
and a combination of first and second secretaries (Mr. Lamba, Mr.
Dhume, Mr. Dhundyal, Mr. Mahajan or Mr. Sidharth Singh).

"Friendship meetings" always proceeded in the same order. First
Dr. Balabushevich would read from a typewritten page something no
one in the audience could understand or bothered to listen to. Several
Indian students would secretly hold hands with lastochki, or with
girls who worked in garment factories named after Rosa Luxem-
bourg or Clara Tzetkin, invited to Dom Druzhby as a filler, to be-
come a "collective member" of the USSR-India Friendship Society, in
a ceremony at the end of the evening.

The ambassador of India would then take the floor and say some-
thing nice about the Russian winter, carefully avoiding mention of
the Bhilai Steel Plant or any other industrial monster, for which
India is supposed to be eternally thankful to the USSR. (That would
not prevent me from inserting it into my report for Novosti. anyway).
By the end of the ambassador's speech some Indian boys would have
exchanged telephone numbers with Russian girls and move one step
further, from holding hands to touching knees. When the lights
would go off and a new documentary on old Bhilai started, some
hands would go around waists. After the movie the lucky ones would
go to dance in the adjacent hall, others — down to the buffet to have a
beer and discuss politics (ever so carefully!).

Long before the party was over, I would leave for Novosti, some-
times in an office car with an APN photographer, my article almost
ready. Most of it had been written in advance anyway, with blank
spaces for names and percentages of growth.

During a "youth" propaganda campaign 1 concocted several
articles for Soviet Land- One of them I remember with especially
bitter feelings. My boss at the time, comrade Surov, a gray and
humorless invalid (his leg was wounded), wanted me to find an
Indian student at Moscow State University (MGU) and ask his (or
her) impressions of Moscow. I found not only a student of phvsics.

-31 -

Ashok Kumar, studying superconductivity under ultra-low tempera-
tures in a cryogen laboratory, but also Savitri, a pretty girl from
Nepal, studying medicine, who wanted to be a pediatrician in the
Himalayan mountains. Both were very happy, talkative and
sociable. They related to me stories about their trips across the USSR
during vacations, their life in the MGU obshchezhitiye (dorms)
where they had to share rooms with two or three other Soviet
students (for more complete indoctrination, not for lack of space, but
they did not know it), about the eating habits of Russians as opposed
to Indians, etc. A human interest story was on the way!

But the old hack Surov rejected both interviews. According to
him, they both lacked the expression of gratitude which supposedly
overflows in the hearts of Indian students for their "free education"
in the USSR, towards the Soviet people, our government and our
glorious Party. He wanted me to include "their" thoughts, that such a
paradise as MGU is possible only thanks to the scientific theory and
practice of Marxism-Leninism. He insisted that I put in the Indians'
mouths admiration of the "fact" that in "brotherly multi-racial"
Moscow there is no discrimination, unlike the USA, where our
guests would hardly find a friend for being "colored."

I wasted my time explaining to comrade Surov that both my
Indian students were aware of frequent racial scandals within MGU
between Russian and African boys fighting over Russian girls, and
the drunken orgies some of the "liberated" black brothers organized
in the dorms, and the brutal treatment of some "black-assess" by the
druzhinniki (voluntary Komsomol police). I could have explained
also the surprise expressed by the Indians that any political activity
except that prescribed by Komsomol is strictly banned in MGU. But
the boss wanted only the "truth."

Another frequent assignment was coverage of "press conferences"
with visiting Indian VIPs. 1 remember when, in July of 1966, Mr.
Kumaraswami Kamaraj, an outstanding member of the Indian
National Congress Party and an opponent of Indira Gandhi's
faction, came to Moscow. The Kremlin wanted to cultivate him, as
he might win the intra-party struggle for leadership and become the
prime minister. On July 30, Novosti and Foreign Affairs staged a
marvelous farce in the grand hall of the Metropol Hotel.

The Indian guest pretended not to notice that "media representa-
tives" asked him only questions which already contained answers,
and most of the answers were in favor of Soviet foreign policy. Every
Novosti person, including myself, prior to arriving at the Metropol,
had been given his "questions" typed on a piece of paper, to memo-
rize, or to read aloud if memory failed. My question was about the
positive effect of the spirit of the Indo-Pakistani peace conference of

-32-

Tashkent on the establishment of stability and mutual security on the
Indian subcontinent. Getting Mr. Kamaraj's affirmative answer, 1
simply incorporated a few of his words into an already typewritten
"report" on the press conference.

The next morning, Pravda and other Soviet central papers carried
the rhapsody to Soviet peace-making efforts. And as far as 1 knew, at
that very moment Soviet submarines were making a home in the
Indian ports of Bombay and Visakhapatnam, Soviet air force
advisors were training Indians to fly MIGs. and the Soviet Defense
Ministry was pushing more and more Soviet-made military har-
ware on both India and Pakistan, trying to make both dependent on
our supplies.

The covering of trade agreement signing ceremonies was more
pleasant. One might actually see and even touch some articles of
shirpoireb (consumer demand) which average Soviet people would
never see, for most of them are sold inclosed shops {or nomenklatura
only. 1 loved most of the exhibitions and informal parts of the cere-
monies which followed the actual signing and the abstract speeches
(the only interesting part of which would be the response of the
Soviet trade representatives. The comrades would put so much
emphasis on "mutually beneficial trade/ 1 their eyes shining with
delight and expectation, that 1 almost visualized the concrete
meaning of these words to the fat apparatchiks ; (bureaucrats): we give
you turbines made by our slaves, in exchange for those lovely leather
shoes for us and leopard fur coats for our wives, and copper plates
and jewelry to decorate our apartments . . .).

Cocktails would follow. In the beginning of the Soviet-Indian
trade era, Indian hosts would hire waiters to carry silver trays loaded
with delicate cocktail glasses and exquisite Indian hors doeuvres:
shish-kebabs, pakora, pani-puri, etc. Later, after learning the Soviet
way of life, the Indians abandoned this etiquette. The boo/.e would be
dumped unceremoniously on one of the tables, next to a pile of
plastic cups — self-service po potrebnosfi (according to needs a
Socialist principle implemented only for the nomenklatura).

And finally, as an unplanned source of propaganda material.
sometimes we were allowed to find our own topics for the "originals"
and "exclusives." That I always did at my own risk, for there is no
guarantee that a story which takes me four days to prepare may not
be thrown into the waste basket, and instead of an honorarium 1 may
get a reprimand from the Party boss. One such story was my innocent
opus about pen pals corresponding between India and the USSR.

They were schoolchildren. I found them in the Dam Pi oner ov
(Young Pioneers Club) on Vorobyov Hills. They were smart little
devils, at the tender age of 6 already learning how to outsmart the all-

-33-

Nlkita Kruchshev and Leonid Brezhnev befriending an emigree artist
S.Roerich and his Indian wife in Moscow. Photo by Novosti Press Agency.

Tomas Schuman (background) with a group of 'progressive 1 guests
visiting a 'typical' Soviet kindergarten in Ukraine.

-34-

forbidding Soviet State.

Correspondence with foreigners is unofficially prohibited in our
country; it is overtly discouraged, and secretly tampered with at the
special section of the main post office (Glavpochtampt). The clever
kids invented a "collectivized" version of pen pal correspondence,
writing their letters in the presence of the senior Komsonol counselor
(pionervozhatyi). Thus there was an appearance of legitimacy and
ideological control. The ratio of correspondence was about one-to-
ten in favor of the Soviets: for each "collective" letter sent, the Mos-
cow kids would receive at least a dozen replies from the Indian kids,
who had not yet learned the advantages of the socialist system and
wrote individually, and without any control. Thus every week the
Soviet kids had a pretty large collection of Indian and Pakistani
postage stamps, which they successfully converted into rubles at the
black market spot in Kuznetski Most Street.

Naturally, 1 did not mention the profit motive, untypical for Soviet
children. I wrote about peace and friendship, mentioning the stamp
"exchange" only briefly. But that was enough to awaken the suspi-
cion of my boss, comrade Surov. who, as it turned out later, was
himself a postage stamp collector and was aware of the potential
profit in the hobby. The opus was scrapped, and 1 only hoped the
young pioneers were not investigated for profiteering.

A convenient source of endless "originals" was Soviet travellogues
with visiting foreign guests of Novosti. 1 was attached to a large
number of delegations from India and Pakistan during my career in
Moscow. Thus 1 earned considerable extra money in the form of
honorariums and also as leftovers from my travel allowances.
During those years 1 took our unsuspecting guests at least a hundred
times along the same officially prescribed tour of Potyomkin's collec-
tive farms, and wined and dined them in the same Intourist hotels. I
would bet that if, in some distant future, all the "progressive" Indians
would get together, they might discover a lot in common about their
trip to the USSR.

By the end of my Moscow era, 1 knew almost every waitress by
name; every nurse in every "typical" kindergarten, intimately; every
Soviet ballet; ad nauseum, and I could walk Hermitage, Trctyakov-
skaya Gallery and Sofia Cathedral in Kiev with my eyes closed and
my mind switched off. Even after defection to the West, I (eel
nauseous when I watch on TV a Soviet ballet on a tour in the West.
Also 1 have a strong allergy to classical paintings and daycare
centers.

-35-

COLLABORATORS: WHO ARE THEY?

It is obvious to me that even the most charming and talented P.R.
agent of APN-KGB would fail to plant disinformation in the foreign
media unless he were assisted by the foreign collaborators.
Ideological subversion, it was explained to me by my KGB super-
visors, is always a two-way street. The effectiveness of Soviet propa-
ganda depends at least 50% on the generous aid of Novosti's foreign
collaborators.

The phenomenon of collaboration with the Soviet ideological
"active measures" affects a wide variety of personalities, regardless of
their nationality, ethnic and cultural background, education, level of
intelligence, political ideas and affiliations, or social and class
origins. 1 have come to the realization that virtually no foreigner is
entirely immune to this infectious disease.

It would be naive to expect that only the uneducated "proleta-
rians" fall victim to Soviet propaganda and become "revolutiona-
ries." As a matter of fact, my KGB supervisors explicitly instructed
me "not to waste my time"and APN's money on the "true believers in
Communism." My KGB contact in New Delhi, comrade Gadin,
suggested to me, after seeing my overly friendly socialization with
students and young Indian radicals: "Aim higher — at the upper-
middle-class intellectuals and otherwise INFLUENTIAL personali-
ties." True believers, he said, make the worst enemies if and when
they become dissillusioned with Communism, or finally see through
the deception. What KGB-APN needs is a person who would be
ready to compromise moral principles (if he had any) for his personal
short-term advantage. According to my observation and practice,
such persons suffer from one or more of the following flaws in their
characters: egoism, ethnocentrism (or bigotry), greed, mental lazi-
nezz, cynicism, lack of confidence (or, conversely, overconfidence),
fear (especially fear of failure or fear of appearing as "misfits" and
underachievers in their own careers and ventures), and the inability
to be compassionate toward the sufferings of others. Often among
the KGB-APN collaborators I could see persons with various phy-
siological deviations: homosexuals, impotents, or — conversely —
persons obsessed with sex and other pleasures, persons unable to
establish lasting and meaningful relationships with the opposite sex,
persons unable to show or receive love, etc. On top of it all, the most
"recruitable" people are "materialists, pragmatists," obsessed with
the immediate and complete "success" of THEIR ventures. Another
great category of collaborators are those who are unable to laugh at

-36-

themselves, who take themselves too seriously. Healthy skepticism
and a good sense of humor provide one of the best remedies against
Novosti infection.

1 have met scores of conceited snobbish "intellectuals, " who suf-
fered from self-importance and firmly believed that the public in
their own country was too backward to understand their genius.
Novosti provides a very receptive audience for such megalo-maniacs,
especially when they write books about their "experiences" in the
USSR in surrealistic (or rather Social-realistic) terms.

To sum it up, as one Russian Orthodox priest told me, "Commun-
ism is not a political, economical, military or geographical problem.
It is a MORAL problem." Novosti Press Agency and her KGB
bosses will be successful in the manipulation of public opinion in the
free world as long as there are AMORAL persons ready to cooperate
with APN-KGB for their own immoral gains and purposes.

The smallest category of collaborations are those who idealistical-
ly BELIEVE that Communism (and its first "civilized" stage of
Socialism) is indeed a "better system" and better solution for all the
problems of mankind. After 67 years of historical evidence, after
hundreds of MILLIONS perished under this system, in view of its
gross inefficiency in any area of human activity (except the military,
an aggressive one) — such idealism borders on insanity. Therefore 1
would not take this category of collaborators seriously. Ignorance, to
my mind, plays a major role in this type of "idealism."

But the greatest attraction, according to my observations, is a real
(or imagined) REWARD for services rendered by collaborators to
the Soviet promoters of "active measures."

Foreign Press Collaborators

It took the Novosti elite three years, after we were established in
1961 , to discover that our propaganda was too boring, dogmatic and
unbelievable to print in anything but foreign leftist tabloids. To infil-
trate the big press of the West, Novosti had to raise its materials to
the international level. In 1964, following the example of the talented
chief editor of Izvetia, APN introduced high-quality decadent capi-
talist methods.

Thus, to satisfy some solidnyi (big press) clientele, Novosti started
to invite cooperation from professional foreign journalists stationed
in Moscow. Some of them cooperated willingly, trying to convince
themselves that they might obtain access, through the Novosti, to
"reliable sources close to the Politbureau," and we carefully main-
tained that illusion. Others, reluctantly realized that they were being
taken for a ride, but decided "better the APN, than nothing." Some

-37-

did it for the extra income from Novosti, and still others because they
truly believed in Communism. Until this very day, none of the
foreign collaborators have enough courage to reveal the true nature
of their deals with the APN.

The most common recruiting method is to approach a foreign
journalist with a "backgrounder," a crudely written collection of
propaganda cliches, fictional statistics, and sometimes real names
and dates. For a substantial payment, a foreigner can either rewrite
this in his own style and pass it on as his own report, or edit it heavily
and recommend it to the editor of his paper for what it is, an "exclu-
sive" article by a Novosti commentator.

In our Asian section we utilized the services of Darshan Singh, a
skinny, cross-eyed, intelligent Punjabi, who prior to coming to
Moscow had been collaborating for years with the Delhi bureau of
Novosti. He was invited to Moscow through Novosti and the Central
Committee's Agitprop and, with many other fellow-travellers, was
helped to a job as translator with the Foreign Languages Publishing
House. There he did routine work, translating the masterpieces of
Lenin and Brezhnev, novels by Sholokhov and Gorki, etc., into
Punjabi. That was his cover job, which provided his regular income.
The real creativity of Darshan Singh was used for a different kind of
writing, for APN. Together with our boss, comrade Makhotin,
Darshan concocted weekly a gossip column entitled "Letter from
Moscow," based on regular Agitprop material, sometimes simply
borrowed from Pradva editorials. Using his old connections with
several respectable large-circulation newspapers in India, such as
Amrita Bazaar Patrika (Calcutta) or a number of Punjabi papers,
Darshan Singh established a lively traffic in propaganda, using
Novosti teleprinter facilities, photographic services, and even our
typists and stenographers. He was paid by the Indian paper as a regu-
lar correspondent in Indian rupees, and by Novosti in Soviet rubles.

After about a year of cultivating the foreign news desks of a couple
of Indian newspapers, Novosti made them dependent on us as their
source of "exclusive information." Most Indian papers cannot afford
to keep their own correspondent in Moscow, but for prestige would
not mind having a regular "Moscow letter," with the latest gossip
from "diplomatic circles" planted by APN-KGB often arriving
before that same news was reported on other international wire
services. They would also appreciate human interest stories, in-
cluding such unorthodox features as photos of a Moscow farm
market, pictures from a "typical Soviet wedding party," and even
interviews with some fake Soviet "dissidents," provided by Novosti
for such occasions as slandering Alexander Solzhenitsyn.

-38-

1 doubt that Darshan Singh really believed in what he was writing.
He was too smart for that. Neither was he a dedicated Communist.
He was too cynical to love the system, the victory of which would
render people like him unnecessary, or worse. My guess is that he was
simply greedy and amoral and very conceited at that. It took him one
hour to create a masterpiece of propaganda, while others would
spend days and weeks concocting vapid articles. Darshan looked
upon us, the Novosti rank and file, as primitives, unworthy of his
attention. Even our New Delhi bureau deputy-chief Oleg Benyukh
did not deserve Darshan's respect, especially after Benyukh decided
to become a writer and gave birth to a monstrous creation of his en-
titled something like "Adventures of a Ukranian in India, "a rhapso-
dy to non-existent "proletarian international solidarity. 11 The book
was, however, published in India, thanks mainly to Darshan's re-
writing the whole boring thing into passable Punjabi.

Each of Darshan's "Moscow Letters" cost Novosti about as much
as the monthly salary of a junior editor like myself. How much
Darshan was paid by the Indian newspapers, I can only guess.

Unlike Darshan, who spent a lot of time on the Novosti premises,
and was not ashamed to receive payment, there were some "clean"
collaborators, who wanted by all means to look honest and inde-
pendent while dealing with the APN, They would attend some of our
propaganda functions, orchestrated by Agitprop through Novosti,
but they would avoid taking our"backgrounders."

One such "innocent" collaborator was Dev M urarka. I met him on
various occasions in the Dam Druzhhy (Friendship House) in Kali-
ninski Street, in the club of the Soviet Writers Union in Vorovski
Street, and at numerous parties and gatherings on diplomatic or
higher cultural levels. He did not like to be seen in deep conversation
with APN employees. But 1 knew, and from very reliable sources,
that Mr. Dev M urarka was in fact "our man. " Most of his dispatches
from Moscow were presented as "freelance" material in the Western
press. But there is simply no such thing in the USSR as a foreign free-
lancer: a foreign correspondent can obtain a residence visa and
accreditation from the foreign affairs press department only if he
represents a known newspaper. The exclusion from this rule is made
only for Communists, representing non-existent (or barely existing)
leftist tabloids. Thus Mr. Murarka's "freelance" status was a fake.

Those stubborn journalists who consistently reject NovostTs
passes and try to dig out their own stories normally do not last long in
Moscow. Thus my friend Nihal Singh, Moscow correspondent for
The Statesman (New Delhi), was recalled after my efforts to cultivate
him for Novosti and the KGB failed. Naturally, 1 did not try hard,
and did my dirty job very unwillingly, feeling respect for M r. Singh's

-39-

integrity and common-sense conservativism. I tried to give him all
kinds of signals and hints to indicate that my interest in him was
strictly separate from the job entrusted to me by Novosti and my
KGB contact. I am still unsure whether he realized what I was trying
to convey. He and his Dutch wife were very nice to me and to Anna,
my wife. We genuinely enjoyed their company and tried to make our
picnics as natural as possible.

On arrival in Delhi in February 1969, I renewed our friendship,
both for my own pleasure and following the recommendations of my
new KGB contact, comrade Gadin. We met several times at my place
in 25 Barakhamba Road, and in the Delhi press club, on one
occasion where he made a rather critical speech about the decision of
Indira Gandhi to nationalize India's banks.

Whether because he read my messages correctly, or simply because
he was a noble man, Nihal Singh published a very complimentary
article about me in The Statesman after my defection. He had
become the chief political correspondent and news editor by that
time.

Mr. Nihal Singh (second from the left) of The Statesman (New Delhi) with
a group of friendly Novosti mind-benders,

-40-

SERVICES AND PAY

The official Prospectus of the Novosti Press Agency says:
"APN enters into contacts and concludes agreements and
contracts with both state-owned and privately-owned newspa-
pers, magazines, news agencies, publishing houses, broadcast-
ing and television companies, as well as individuals, to supply
them with Agency materials for an appropriate fee. "
The above statement is an "overstatement," if not a "bloody lie."
All through my career with the Novosti I have never heard of anyone
in their right mind giving as much as a penny for NovostTs "mate-
rial" Some sick-minded or uniquely stupid individuals and compa-
nies, yes indeed, sometimes do pay an "appropriate fee" to Novosti.
Thus, in 1975, editors and publishers of the world-famous Ency-
clopaedia Britannica bought from APN some 15 or 16articlesabout
the "Soviet Socialist Republics," wherein the flora and fawna of the
Soviet colonies is described in glorious socialist-realistic detail, but
not a word is said about the methods of appropriating (or rather,
annexing) the national statehoods of formerly independent East
European, Baltic and Asian nations. Both the origin and the current
functioning of the "Union of Soviet Socialist Republics" are de-
scribed there in mythical terms, in typical Novosti style. But again,
there is not a single mention of what happened to about 40% of the
native (ethnically non-Russian) populations of the "Soviet
Republics": frozen and starved to death in Siberia, whence they were
deported in cattle-vans, old men, women and children; able men
machine-gunned by the KGB; or (the happiest ending!) forcibly
assimilated by the fraternal invaders.

Also, not a word about the ethnic composition of the power organs
of the "republics" — the local Central Committees of the Communist
Party — predominantly Russian or Ukrainian even in (and especially
in) such ethnically distant areas as Central Asia, Caucasus and the
Baltics . . .

Instead the Britannica is full of praises to the Soviet "public and
political organizations," such as the Young Pioneers, the Young
Communist League, DOSSAAF (a paramilitary youth organization
in the tradition of Hitler-Jugend), etc., and again, not a single word
of EDITORIAL explanation about the nature of such unprecedent-
ed "political pluralism" in a country with a one-party system of
power!

1 can only guess about the true motivation of the Britannica pub-
lishers, borrowing such crude and very un-British propaganda from

-41 -

the Novosti, and PAYING for it with hard (though decadent) British
pounds sterling. To my mind it is either a rare case of pure idiocy, or a
side effect of an infectious disease of the 1970's called "detente" —
wishful thinking about the making the Soviet junta more peaceful by
describing it as such.

There is no need to pay an "appropriate fee" to Novosti, because in
most cases Novosti is too happy to pay (rubles, dollars or pounds), to
anyone who agrees to publish its crap.

In fact, according to my observations and experience, confirmed
by dozens of defectors from the KGB and APN, Novosti has a well-
developed list of services and payments for all sorts of foreign colla-
borators, which 1 quote below.

OVERT AND LEGITIMATE OPERATIONS

In its official Prospectus, Novosti states that "APNs publications
are disseminated in foreign countries in strict accordance with the
laws and regulations of these countries." That may or may not be
true. But let us look at the various methods of dissemination of APN
propaganda from the viewpoint of LEGALITY as well as MORA-
LITY (and 1 mean universal human morality, not the Communist
one, where the end justifies the means).

1 purposefully neglect considerations of "willingness" and "unwil-
lingness" (due to ignorance, deceit, stupidity etc.) while observing the
dissemination of APNs propaganda through the foreign collabora-
tors in THEIR OWN countries. Why? Because it is indeed too hard
to prove the degree of that "willingness" on the part of a collaborator.
But it is very easy to review the "active measures"promoted and faci-
litated by collaborators, from the standpoint of Western MORA-
LITY on one hand, and from the standpoint of Soviet Law on the
other. This comparison is extremely important to realize,
what the Soviet system itself considers ILLEGAL and CRIMINAL
and what it does in foreign countries, using the legitimate freedoms
of "open society" to achieve Soviet goals.

Thus, the "legitimate" or overt active measures conducted by the
KGB-Novosti tandem abroad — through the foreign collaborators
— include the following:

— Publication of a piece of pro-Soviet propaganda material in the
Soviet media, authored by a foreign collaborator, with further
re-circulation (by quotation, reference or reprinting) in the
country of the collaborator;

— A public statement in the interests of the Soviet State, made by a
foreign collaborator on Soviet radio. TV, or at an international
forum organized by the Novosti within the USSR; replaying of

-42-

that statement in a foreign country;

— Same as above two, but originated in a foreign country and by
the foreign collaborator, with further publication (and/ or
broadcasting or disseminating in any other way) in the foreign
media;

— A speech made by a foreign collaborator at one of the CPSU-
sponsored "international congresses" within the USSR, with
further publication in the Novosti periodicals;

— Same as above, but in a foreign country, at a "leftist" or "liberal"
forum, where the policies of the USA and its allies are being
attacked;

— Publication of a book, literary work, piece of art, or scientific
research, emphasizing the "virtues of a planned economy" and
lambasting the "oppressive" capitalist system;

— Establishing a pro-Soviet newspaper, magazine, radical tabloid,
or "liberal" periodical sharply attacking the "roots" of the
"establishment" and the moral standards of Western society;

— Introduction and conducting of an academic course (or series of
lectures, seminars, study groups, etc.) with an emphasis on
Marxist-Leninist ideology, at any Western university;

— Establishing a pro-Socialist political or public organization in
the country of a collaborator;

— Distribution of APlSTs periodicals, booklets, releases and other
materials in the collaborator's country;

— Direct cooperation with APN's bureau (in the staff) abroad.
As you can see, there is nothing very dramatic in these active, but

rather legitimate (from the standpoint of Western law) measures.
Now, let us see what Novosti pays the foreign collaborators for these
services, and what would be a Soviet citizen's "reward," if he would
dare to do the same in reverse — by cooperating with a foreign state
or private organization — from the standpoint of Sovie law.

Service No. 1

Publication of pro-Soviet (pro-Communist. pro-Socialist, but
anti- American and anti-Western) material, an article, story or a news
item, in the Soviet, or Soviet-controlled media, by a foreign collabo-
rator of Novosti, concocted on the basis of an APN 'backgrounder',
supplied by Novosti agents, is worth an average of 25 rubles per
typewritten page. (Depending on the rate of inflation, it may be
more.) A collaborator may spend his rubles in the USSR, or receive
his "royalty" in a currency of his own country according to the
Soviet-established rate of exchange.

-43-

Now, look how the Soviet law defines this action, if committed by
a Soviet (or Soviet-controlled country's) citizen: an author (a journa-
list, writer, or simply a restless person) who would dare to publish a
pro-Western news item or an article (or anything even distantly criti-
cal of the Soviet empire) in the Western media, will get an average of
5 years of imprisonment (or concentration camp) for this so-called
"anti-Soviet agitation" as defined by Article 70 of the Soviet Crimi-
nal Code. See the difference? For 10 pages of pro-Communist crap a
Western collaborator gets 200 rubles, but a Soviet citizen — 5 years
of hard labor. (Daniel and Synyavsky, the two Russians who ven-
tured to publish their essays abroad, and a Yugoslavian Mijailo
Mijailov, who did the same, spent more than 5 years — but that is a
pure — technicality." Sinyavsky and Mijailov are now living in the
West, so they may share their experiences with the Western collabo-
rators of Novosti, if they were willing to listen, which they normally
aren't.)

Service No. 2

For a verbal statement of a pro-Soviet nature made by a foreign
collaborator of APN within the USSR, or in a "brotherly" territory
(Cuba, Nicaragua, Angola, Vietnam, Afghanistan, etc), as arranged
by APN on a radio or TV station, the foreigner receives from 200 to
1000 rubles, depending on the content of his statement and the repu-
tation (notoriety) of the collaborator.

A Soviet citizen simply cannot make a pro-Western statement on
foreign radio, even if he (or she) is allowed to visit a foreign country.
This is specified in the Secret Briefing at the Visa Department of the
Central Committee, which every Soviet citizen traveling abroad,
without exception, must read and sign before his visa is approved.
But if a Soviet citizen would dare to smuggle a tape-recorded mes-
sage out of the USSR, he would be treated according to the same
Article 70 of the Criminal Code: five years of hard labor in Siberia or
some equally pleasant location.

Service No. 3

For the same as the above two, but directed by the Novosti
towards the foreign media (planted in foreign newspapers, for
example), a foreign collaborator, as a rule, is paid in both Soviet
rubles at Moscow APN headquarters and in foreign moneys by a
foreign branch of Novosti in his country. Sometimes the collabora-
tor is also paid by the "useful idiots" of a foreign newspaper, publish-
ing house, or TV network. In those rare cases when the story is "un-
acceptable" to the foreign media, a local bureau of Novosti may
"push it through" by simple bribery, intoxicating an editor at an
embassy party, or coercing a publisher in some other way (by promi-

-44-

sing a free trip to the USSR to meet with Bolshoi ballerinas and
famous milkmaids in Murmansk). The amount of the bribe would
depend on the importance and news value of the material. To my
knowledge, Novosti included several cooperative Indian publishers
in the group of "Jawaharial Nehru Prize Winners," which simply
means a half-million Rupee bribe in a legitimate and rather respecta-
ble form.

Naturally, a Soviet citizen, should he dream of collaborating with,
say, UPI or France Presse, will not survive for too long as a "free
lancer": instead of a Pulitzer Prize he may get 10 years at a concentra-
tion camp in the GULAG for "collaboration with foreign intelligence
services" (and UPI is a "stooge of the CIA," according to Pravda,
isn't it?).

Service No. 4

A speech made by a foreign collaborator of Novosti at one of the
"international forums" orchestrated by the Agitprop within the
Soviet Empire. For the publishing rights of that pronouncement (the
text of which is often prepared by the APN staffers long before a
foreign guest lands at Moscow Airport), Novosti pays to the collabo-
rator a one-time fee of about 2,000 rubles, plus all his travel expenses.
Naturally, the collaborator has to earn the honor by being a good
parrot and obedient pet. Mother Russia seldom extends hospitality
to "unuseful idiots," who stubbornly refuse to read their speeches
from the prepared texts.

As you may have already guessed, no Soviet citizen has a LEGAL
RIGHT to make any unauthorized speech at any international
forum, least of all one which is "anti-Soviet" or pro- Western. Violation
of this law is considered "high treason" by Article 64 of the Soviet
Criminal Code, which, by the way, provides the ultimate punish-
ment: DEATH.

1 he only possible way for a Soviet citizen to address an internatio-
nal forum is to be ASSIGNED to make such a speech by the Agit-
prop. Of course, there is another, more troublesome way: to become
a dissident writer, to be arrested and sent to the GULAG for 1 1 years.
released, harrassed by the KGB for another 10 years, and finally
kicked out of the country to the West. Then only — yes. one may
have a right to talk to an international forum, and in the process be
ridiculed and offended by the Western liberal media as a "cold war
paranoid" and °right wing extremist." Alexander Solzhenitsyn tried
this method.

Service No. 5

For making pro-Communist speeches and pro-Soviet statements

-45-

OUTSIDE of the Soviet Empire, the collaborators of APN are paid
accordingly in the currencies of their own countries, at the rate of
exchange established by the Soviet bank (one progressive Soviet
ruble for one decadent American dollar, or even less). Often APN-
KGB funnels additional moneys to the organizers of pro-Communist
gatherings, and also covers the expenses for media coverage of the
event. So, the foreign collaborators again have two chances to be
remunerated: from Novosti directly, and from local "useful idiots. 11

Naturally, pro-Western public statements or speeches are un-
thinkable within the Soviet Empire even if and when such a science-
fictional event might be financed by the CIA or the John Birch
Society.

In any case, a Western collaborator of APN-KGB would be paid
some $2,000, whilst a citizen of the Communist Block may have a
choice of firing squad or psychiatric asylum with forceful "treat-
ment" by mind-destructive chemicals.

Service No. 6 ,

Publication of a book, literary work, piece of art, or scientific
research, by a foreign collaborator, with APNs aid and ideological
"encouragement," glorifying the Communist (or Socialist) way of
life "collectivism philosophy, planned economy and/ or "bright
future for all mankind" — a one-world system based on "progress
and just redistribution of wealth," and defaming "decadent capital-
ism" in the process, is usually rewarded by Novosti with a lump sum
in five figures in rubles, plus, very often, a similar royalty in "hard
currency." All the expenses for publication, editing, technical pro-
duction and distribution are normally taken over by the Novosti. The
author may also be invited to visit the USSR for a "free trip" and a
title of "progressive," together with some "honorable diploma"from
Patris Lumumba Friendship University, which the collaborator may
proudly frame and exhibit to his (or her) academic brotherhood (or
sisterhood).

A Soviet counterpart of a foreign collaborator, for even trying to
do the same towards the free world, may earn various "royalties"for
publishing his work abroad: from 5 years of labor camp (Daniel and
Sinyavsky), to public defamation in the Soviet media (Pasternak,
Bulgakov, Zoshchenko), to a forced exile from the Motherland
(Solzhenytsyn), to a firing squad (Babel, Mandelshtam, Meyerhold
and hundreds of other intellectuals during the period of unprece-
dented blossoming of Socialist Realism in arts and science). If the
book published abroad has any scientific value (not even a "secret" or
"defense" subject, but, say, something about the sex habits of polar
bears), the author, for passing his work to foreign publishers, may be

-46-

charged with "high treason," according to Articles 64, 65 and 75 of
the Criminal Code (treason, espionage, and divulging of State
secrets). And every schoolchild in the USSR knows, that every
Soviet scientist, without exception, is the property of the State, toge-
ther with all the contents of his brain. Therefore everything he writes,
scribbles or utters IS a state secret.

Service No. 7

Establishing a tabloid, newspaper or magazine in a foreign coun-
try, in which, directly or otherwise, Soviet ideology and Soviet
foreign policy are justified or supported, or in which Soviet-support-
ed surrogates (Cuba, Angola. Nicaragua, the P.l .()., various
'National-Liberation Fronts') are described in positive, "progres-
sive" terms. For this type of service collaborators of APN-KGB are
rewarded through various "front organizations"formally not related
to the Soviet embassy or Novosti Press Agency. In my own practice
in India we gave birth to dozens of such illegitimate "children" of APN,
from radical students' tabloids to "independent progressive" maga-
zines, the circulation of which would not exceed 100 copies and the
entire staff consisted of 1 person. The propaganda effect of these
papers is negligible. And indeed it is not the main purpose of APN,
but the creation of such periodicals gives APN-KGB a legal and overt
channel to funnel money and support to the so-called "activ," a
group of radicals and agitators who are officially on the payroll of
this or that newspaper as staff writers, columnists, etc., but who are
in fact simply signing the materials (articles, commentaries, news
items) prepared by the Novosti bureau in a foreign country. Most of
the time these activists are engaged in organizational work on
campuses and in slums of large "capitalists" cities. Their "salaries"
from the newspaper allow them to survive financially without being
employed productively anywhere at all.

The money is not paid to the papers directly. It is channeled
through real or fake advertising agencies, which place commercial
ads for such Soviet businesses as Aeroflot. lntourist. Tractorcxport.
or even for some non-existent products and services. What matters is
that money transfer to the "activ" becomes legitimate.

The most active and survivable organs of such media conceived
with the help from Novosti are taken good care of. The editors and
the "staff" are regularly invited to the USSR (or one of the "Peoples"
Republics of the Soviet Empire) for prolonged visits, or for medical
treatment of their V.D. and hernias acquired in the endless "class
struggle" in their own countries. Some of the activists spend their
vacations in Soviet Crimea, or at Bulgarian Black Sea resorts. Some
send their children to Soviet schools tor a "free education" (paid by

-47-

the Soviet taxpayers), or to Soviet summer camps like Artek in
Crimea.

To realize what a mirror replica of such an activity would mean to
a Soviet citizen within the USSR, try to establish a pro-Western (pro-
capitalist") newspaper in the city of Sverdlovks.

Service No. 8

Introduction of a "Marxist-Leninist" (or similarly "progresive")
course of lectures, seminars, study groups, etc. in any Western school
or college by Novosti's collaborators is normally compensated by
either one-time payment in the form of "prizes" dedicated to "peace,
friendship and mutual understanding between the nations, 11 or by
several (often regular) free tips to the USSR to attend various "inter-
national conferences" under the guise of "cultural and academic
exchange." Most of the expenses for such trips are paid by the APN-
KGB. Some Western scholars, suffering from self-importance, are
being "bought" by simply publishing their vapid books and "scienti-
fic works" (essays, research papers, etc.) in the USSR or other "fra-
ternal" countries. Disproportionately large "royalties" paid by the
Novosti to such collaborators soon become quite an addiction to a
"professor," especially if his "work" is poorly appreciated in his own
country for being too "leftist" even for enfeebled Western brains.

For a comparison, try to imagine a Russian professor introducing
a course of lectures on, say, profit-oriented management in . . .
Leningrad University! Some Soviet academics have gotten them-
selves into deep trouble even for much less ideologically dangerous
lectures on the subjects of genetics or cybernetics ("pseudo-science of
the decadent West"). Many Soviet academics perished in the
GULAG simply for quoting from Western textbooks, or for being
too slow to adjust to the ever-fluctuating "general line" of the Party
Ideology. Some ended up in "sharashkas" (special prisons for scien-
tists, where they continue to work for the glory of Soviet technology,
as did Tupolev # Koroylyov, and many others. The "sharashkas" are
excellently described by Alexander Solzhenitsyn in his novel "First
Circle").

Thus: half a million dollars for a Western collaborator of APN;
life-time imprisonment for his Soviet colleague for trying to "build
bridges between scientists of the world."

Service No. 9

Establishing (founding) a pro-Communist public organization
(such as the "Soviet-American Friendship Society" etc.), and popu-
larization of the activities of such organizations through the local
media, representing them as "true expressors of public opinion in a

-48-

democratic society/' is rewarded by the Novosti through various
"foundations" and front groups. Most of the funds and revenues are
generated locally, in a target country, with the help of a professional
fund-raiser, employed by the Novosti through intermediaries. Very
often the activists of "peacenik" and "freeznik" movements do not
realize that they are, in fact, on the payroll and under control of the
APN-KGB. Some prefer to overlook or not to understand this sensi-
tive issue ... for the sake of financial comfort. An Indian friend of
mine in New Delhi, an activist of the "Indo-Soviet Cultural Society"
(1SCO), was paid as much as 600 Rupees a month, the average salary
oi a junior bureaucrat in Indian government plus some"expenses"and
occasional trips to the USSR forfun, rest and further indoctrination.
Surely he understood that the society headministered had nothingto
do with either "culture" or "friendship" between the people of India
and the USSR. But who could refuse an invitation to Sochi (a Black
Sea resort) or resist the temptation to be mentioned in the world
press as a "progressive and sober-thinking personality"?

The most active public figures, instrumental in the process of crea-
tion of pro-Soviet organizations and groups, are being systematically
showered with all sorts of "international prizes": Lenins, Nobels,
Jawaharlal Nehrus, etc. A one-time "prize"from the Novosti maybe,
sometimes, as much as a million American dollars.

By comparisons person in the USSR who would try to establish a
pro-Western, pro-Democratic, or (what a horror!) pro-Jewish (pro-
Israel) organization in Moscow, will get as much as 15 years in a con-
centration camp or even the death penalty, in strict accordance with
the Soviet Criminal Code, Articles #70, 64, 65. 71, 75 (Propaganda,
Treason, Espionage, Propaganda of War, and Divulging of State
Secrets). Helsinki monitoring groups in the USSR (what could be
more "peacefuTand "friendly"?!) were harrassed by the KG B to their
complete extinction. Rare daredevils of Soviet "peaceniks" who
demanded the freeze of SOVIET nuclear weaponry were put in KGB
psychiatric asylums and tortured by chemicals.

In other words: a milliondoilarsfora Western peacenik and a slow
painful death for a Soviet one. Do you sleep well. Western collabora-
tors of Novosti? Does anything bother you, aside from the Penta-
gon's warheads?

Service No. 10

Dissemination (distribution) of APN periodicals and propaganda
booklets in the free world through legitimate circulation agencies
and retail book stores, on campuses and through school libraries is
rewarded by a regular salary roughly equal to that of an agent for
subscription in the target country. The collaborators-distributors are

-49-

Tomas Schuman (second left) with a group of collaborators, distributors
of Novosti subversive propaganda in India, visiting the Kremlin. A bonus
for good work.

A.Biswas, editor of The Amrita Bazar Patrika newspaper (Calcutta) as a
Novosti guest in Moscow, accompanied by an Interpreter.

-50-

also rewarded by regular free trips ta the USSR (or fraternal coun-
tries), and sometimes by one-time prizes and valuable presents, from
a "Matreshka" doll to a camera, watch, TV set, or even a Soviet-
made car.

Promotion of subscriptions to Soviet propaganda publications is
also rewarded by a generous "commission" of up to 60% of the retail
price of the publication, such as "Soviet Life," (officially published
by the Soviet embassy in Washington, D.C.), and other magazines,
and books.

A similar "service" by a Soviet citizen to a publisher in any free
country is unheard of, but punishable by the same above articles of
the Criminal Code.

Service No. 11

Direct cooperation with Novosti Press Agency, either in one of the
foreign bureaus or within the USSR, pays regular wages, roughly
equal to the wages of the media workers in the target country. Bonu-
ses may include a variety of awards, from a free automobile to a free
space at the cemetery near the Kremlin Wall, next to many other
collaborators — from John Reed to Dean Reed (an American pop-
singer, residing mainly in Moscow. He is not dead yet, though.)

Direct employment of a Soviet citizen by a foreign mission or a
news agency is high treason, unless the employee is an officer of the
UPDK) a branch of the KGB responsible for hiring domestic ser-
vants, secretaries, drivers, interpreters, etc., for foreign nationals
residing in the USSR. UPDK means "Directorate of Affairs of
Diplomatic Corpus" — Upravlenie Delami Diplomatichcskogo
Korpusa, in Russian).

Any other Soviet citizen who would dare to be hired by a foreigner
in Moscow is treated as an enemy of People, with every regular
consequence.

This is a brief and far-from-complete list of "srvices" which the
foreign collaborators of Novosti render to the self-proclaimed enemy
of their own countries. These actions are OVERT: any sensible per-
son can, if he wants, observe them and monitor the results in both
short and long time spans. There is not a SINGLE law in any free
country that would prevent collaborators from OPENLY and
LEGITIMATELY cooperating with the APN-KGB. But there is a
law in the USA, which forbids the American intelligence services to
contact (or use in any other way) their own American media to even
EXPLAIN (to say nothing about JUSTIFY) their operations against
the KGB-controlled Novosti Press Agency, the ideological subverter
that feels at home in any "belligerent capitalist country." 1 was told it

-51 -

is a price Democracy must pay for its freedom. To my mind, it is a
price the Free World pays for self-destruction.

COVERT & ILLEGITIMATE ACTIVE MEASURES

Most of the "covert" and "unlawful" actions have already been
well described in many books by many Western authors (John
Barron's "KGB Today" is one of the most recent). I shall list only
several of them, known to be conducted through the Novosti Press
Agency. Some of these active measures are harmful and unlawful
enough to attract the attention of the law enforcement organs of the
Free World, but remain unpunished for various diplomatic reasons,
such as not wanting to "rock the boat" or "threaten the Russians," or
so as not to "harm the spirit of detente, "etc. Others are considered to
be too unlikely to stand up in court, and, even if proven to be unlaw-
ful, too unlikely to result in punishment of the offender, that is the
Soviet Government, by, say, collecting judgments or fines from the
USSR, or for that matter from the administration of the Novosti
Press Agency. In fact, there is a "catch": the official Prospectus of
APN specifies that "Novosti will not be legally responsible for any
claims against the Soviet State," and the other way around: the
Soviet State is not accountable for claims against the Novosti (since
it is a "non-government" organization).

Many of these active measures are "covert" only in a purely formal
sense: every sensible member of the Western (or Eastern) security
service knows perfectly well about Novosti mischief, and so does the
media. Conservative and anti-Communist groups make this infor-
mation available to the public and to government bureaucrats. It is
being consistently ignored both by the bureaucrats and by the public,
who prefer to remain in blissful ignorance about such unpleasant
facts, leading to the uncomfortable realization that they are being
duped.

So, with the support of, or in cooperation with, the KGB, with
practically unlimited financing by the Soviet State (which in turn is
being financed by the Western banks and the multinational corpora-
tions) with the assistance of foreign collaborators, and without any
fear of being taken before any court of justice and punished, Novosti
Press Agency performs the following dirty tricks and pays the follow-
ing moneys (and awards) to the collaborators:

Service No. 1

Defamation and slander campaigns against Soviet citizens (dissi-
dents, moral protesters, intellectuals, etc.) who fell into disfavor with
the Soviet junta. If and when it is done in the Soviet media by a
foreign collaborator, the "royalty" is paid either in Soviet rubles (the

-52-

same rate as for the "overt" publication), or in a foreign currency, or
through various "bonuses, " such as a free trip to the USSR. Thus, for
defamation of Alexander Solzhenitzyn in the Soviet media, several
Western writers and journalists were listed as "progressive" and their
names were added to the lists for future invitations by the Novosti.
For slandering Solzhenitsyn in Pravda, a Canadian writer by the
name of Farley Mowatt was awarded another free trip to Siberia,
where he did research for another book — a "bestseler" about the
happy life of Soviet Eskimos. For slandering academician Sakharov
in the Literaturnaya Gazeta, another Canadian "progressive" jour-
nalist, Mary Dawson, may simply have ben paid some 3,000 deca-
dent Canadian dollars in the innocent form of a "literary prize" from
a Communist tabloid such as the Canadian Tribune.

Some of the remuneration to the collaborators comes in the form
of a "valuable present," as described above.

Due to the fact that Soviet dissidents have absolutely no opportu-
nity to bring their foreign offenders to court (a Soviet or a Western
one), most of the slanderers and defamers remain unpunished and
free to enjoy Novosti payments and favors. Conversely, if a Soviet
citizen would dare to say something "disrespectful" about any of the
foreign stooges of the Kremlin, he may be charged with "defamation
and slander" according to Articles 130& 131 of the Soviet Criminal
Code. The punishment may vary from a heavy fine to 3 years of
imprisonment plus exile, unless "compounding ideological evidence"
is found, in which case the Soviet dissident will end up either in the
GULAG or in a psychiatric asylum.

Service No. 2

The same, but in the media of the Free World. In this case the
foreign collaborator (slanderer) is being paid twice: once from the
Novosti (in Rubles), and the second time in a foreign currency, by the
publishers of the "progressive" media in the West.

Service No. 3

Slander, defamation or libel directed against a foreign person — a
politician, writer, publisher, etc., — preferably an influential and
anti-Communist (conservative, patriotically minded person), resist-
ing Soviet influence in his own country. The list of most desirable
targets for the Novosti-KGB-orchestrated process of character
assassinatin includes virtually every prominent public figure of the
Free World, daring to criticize Soviet foreign policy or Soviet practi-
ces at home. In India during my career with the Soviet embassy, such
target was Mr. Morarjee Desai, leader of "conservative opposition"
to Indira Gandhi's ruling National Congress party. With financial

-53-

and ideological encouragement from Novosti, collaborators in the
leftist liberal media poured gallons of venom on that person, descri-
bing him as a "reactionary, fascist, ultra-right-wing fanatic, lackey of
Western imperialism, etc- 1 * Apart from name-calling, Novosti-
sponsored radical tabloids published bits and pieces of rumors, half-
truths and pure fabrications, designed to discredit this politician. It is
difficult to distinguish, sometimes, a locally created hate campaign
against a conservative politician from a Novosti-orchestrated one.
To my knowledge, the role of many collaborators is often simply to
fan the flames of slander hysteria. And it is difficult, indeed (unless
one has an "insider" within the Soviet embassy), to establish the fact
of payment to a collaborator. Even if payment could be proven, the
law enforcement body of a target country has the problem of proving
that the payment relates to specific seditious lies circulated in the
media.

After my defection to the West and settling in Canada, 1 came
across a classic example of how the libel (or character assassination)
process is initiated. A Canadian journalist and broadcaster with the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), a Mr. Mark Starowitz,
for several years was supplying KGB agent, Konstantin Geiwandov
(officially a Pravda correspondent in Ottawa) with all sorts of infor-
mation of a rather private nature about several members of the Par-
liamentary Press Gallery. Mr. Starowitz was handsomely paid for his
services. He knew perfectly well the purpose of comrade Geiwan-
dov's curiosity: that information was needed for only one possible
purpose — defamation. He also knew that what he was doing is
described in Canadian law as "violation of privacy" and "spreading
of gossip, harmful to individual(s)." But when the whole story was
revealed in a conservative Canadian newspaper, The Toronto Sun,
Mark Starowitz was not even reprimanded by the management of
the CBC. On the contrary, he was promoted to the position of
managing producer for one of the most popular and politically
influential TV programs ("Sunday Magazine"). Interviewed by
journalists, Mr. Starowitz responded to the effect that "writing for a
foreign newspaper (Pravda), and receiving money for that, is not a
crime in Canada." He was right. Legally speaking.

A recent example of a character assassination campaign in the
Western media which looks to me like a typical APN-KGB trick, is
the New York Times 'charges against Salvadorian politician Roberto
DWbusson of being involved in "a plot to assassinate the U.S.
ambassador to El Salvador." To this date, the New York Times has
failed to produce a single shred of evidence, or, for that matter, any
common-sense logical explanation — why would a leader of the

-54-

second biggest political party in El Salvador be interested in murder-
ing an American ambassador? (Especialkly on the eve of the U.S.
Congress debate on the issue of U.S. financial aid to El Salvador.)
What we did during my career with the Novosti-KGB was indeed
very simple. We would first plant a fabrication like that (against
D'Abbusson) in a lousy, insignificant leftist or Communist tabloid in
a target country. Step two: Pravda (or one of APNs publications,
press releases, etc.) would reprint that "news item/' referring to the
source of information as an "influential progressive newspaper."
Step three: The New York Times(ov Washington Post, or some other
respectable Western paper) would quote Pravda, repeating the
accusation. Step four: one of the Soviet commentators(Vladimir
Pozner of Radio Moscow, incidentally my former colleague within
APN-KGB; or Gennady Gerasimov, or George Adamov) would
quote the New York Times during an interview, such as on "ABC
Nightline" referring to the news item as an expression of Western
opinion. By the time the lie reaches the western public, it is nearly
impossible to trace it all the way back to the third-rate tabloid, least
of all to the originator of the slander — Novosti Press Agency. This is
exactly what happened to the "opinion" that the ill-fated KAL 007
was indeed "on a spy mission for the CI A" and that its shooting down
by the Soviet MIGs was a justified "response." The main objective of
that disinformation trick is achieved: Western public opinion is skill-
fully SIDE-TRACKED from the real issues, which are: 1. The cold-
blooded murder of 269 passengers of a civilian aircraft; 2. Soviet
violations of the SALT treaties, which fact they were trying to hide;
3. There is hardly anything "secret" about Sakhalin Island — every
square inch of it has been photographed by United States satellites
thousands of times. A simple and common-sense explanation of the
incident never occurred to the minds of the Western analysts. The
true nature of the Soviet system is being obscured again. The
Western public was once more lured into wishful thinking and "for-
giveness." This is exactly what "active measures" are designed for.

Service No. 4

Infiltration into political organizations and groups which are con-
sidered by the KGB to be "anti-Soviet" or "reactionary," and des-
troying these groups from within, using blackmail, corruption,
bribery, sex scandals; exposing members of these organizations to
local law enforcement agencies, and to pressure groups and "special
interest" groups; filing suits in court against these organizations by
charging them with "violation of civil rights," etc.; and orchestrating
vicious smear campaigns in the liberal media. Here Novosti plays the
role of catalyst in this process. Rank-and-file members of the Liberal

-55-

attackers seldom suspect that several (or one) of their leaders are in
fact collaborators of APN-KGB. They probably would not care even
if they knew it for sure.

Service No. 5

Slander campaigns against emigre groups and organizations in
Western countries; spreading racial and ethnic hatred among various
communities of immigrants from Communist (or Socialist, Soviet-
controlled) countries, with the ultimate purpose of neutralizing them
as a political force, isolating them from the natural democratic poli-
tical process, preventing them from using freedom of the press and
associations; preventing them from influencing and educating public
opinion in the host countries by revealing the truth about the systems
from which they have escaped. By calling the people from Commu-
nist countries "crazy ethnics" and "fringe lunatics," collaborators of
APN-KGB among the Liberal left in the West do their greatest
service to the Soviet propaganda. They dismiss the information and
opinions of the immigrants as "ravings of emotionally unbalanced
people, paranoids, who see a Communist under every bed."

1 have met a number of such collaborators in Canada, where they
are very active and effective. Some of them have a sympathetic ear in
the Liberal government of Canada and the Civil Service.

Service No. 6

Financial, organizational and moral aid to local groups of radi-
cals, militants, and outright terrorists. Novosti collaborators act in
this area as middlemen, to obscure the direct Soviet involvement in
subversive and terrorist active measures in foreign countries. APN-
KGB maintains a large network of useful contacts in many univer-
sities, for the purpose of selecting and cultivating future recruits for
"national liberation movements" and similar organizations. During
my career in India, for example, one of my functions was to compile
lists of young "progressively minded" people, who could be recom-
mended later for enrollment in "studies" at the Patrice Lumumba
Friendship University in Moscow. The first step to such an objective
is to befriend young people by regularly inviting them to various
"social occasions" organized by the APN together with the "Cultural
Department" of the Soviet embassy.

Financial aid to such groups in target countries (when they are
created and led by graduates of Lumumba University) is effected
through the above-mentioned front organizations and Novosti-
created "organs of progressive mass media. Moral support comes in
the form of a steady flow of propaganda literature, edited and trans-
lated in Moscow by APN, but printed by friendly local publishers.

-56-

Service No. 7

With the help of foreign collaborators, APN-KGB orchestrates
defamation and disinformation operations directed against the law
enforcement and intelligence agencies of the target countries. This
process is well described by John Barron ("KGB Today"), and by
Arnaud de Borchgrave & Robert Moss in their classic novel "The
Spike."

What I have described here is nothing new. Thousands of defectors
from Communism have been telling the same stories for the past half-
century. One of the latest defectors from the KGB, incidentally my
former schoolmate from the Institute of Oriental Languages, Stanis-
lav Levchenko, succeeded where I have failed for the last 14 years
since my defection: he convinced John Barron to present the sensitive
issue of ideological subversion (active measures) to the Western
public. In its essence, the process of subversion is also not new — it
has not been invented by the Russians, or Communists — it is as old
as mankind itself. In 500 B.C., Chinese philosopher and strategist
Sun-Tzu formulated the main principle of subversion very simply:
"The highest art of war is not to fight on a battle field, but to subvert
the enemy by destroying all the moral values in your enemy's coun-
try."

The core of active measures consists of a consistent effort to demo-
ralize the public, the majority of the population in the West. The
media is the most convenient vehicle for such demoralization.
Whether the "useful idiots" of the media do it for profit, for self-glori-
fication, or due to ignorance or fear of "Mother Russia." is totally
immaterial. The rewards which APN-KGB collaborators receive are
pathetic by Western standards, but they have to be taken into consi-
deration. Here they are:

Materia] rewards

Regular payments in Soviet or foreign currency; free trips to the
USSR for tourism, pleasure, indoctrination, or medical treatment in
special clinics and sanatoriums; valuable gifts, from "Matreshka
dolls" to automobile.

Rewards of a material nature

Moneys paid in the form of "Lenin's (or some other dictator's)
Prizes" which accomplishes two jobs at one time: vindicating a dicta-
tor and corrupting the prize-winner); covering expenses for publica-
tions of the collaborator's books and other works; admitting the
collaborator's children to Soviet schools and universities for "free
education."

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Rewards of a prestigious nature

Granting the title of "progressive" journalist (or writer, etc.); invi-
tation to an international forum or a conference organized by APN-
KG B; arranging meetings with "rare and famous"' personalities in the
USSR (space pilots, ballerinas, etc.); invitation to attend a celebra-
tion of something or other (like the October Revolution) at the
Soviet embassy with lots of booze and nice girls (KGB "Lastoch-
kas"); a trip to a "closed location," such as a nuclear research center;
an honorary scientific "degree" from one of the Soviet universities; a
replica of "Sputnik. "

Rewards of amoral nature

Sex (often perverted), alcohol, drugs.

And in exchange for these miserable (by Western standards)
rewards, the foreign collaborators of Novosti trade to the Soviet
tyrants something priceless — the collective consciousness of their
own nations, freedom of thought and sanity of judgment, and — in
the long run — FREEDOM itself.

If we believe that the Communist threat is a MORA L problem, the
solution to it exists, probably, somewhere in the realm of the
IMMATERIAL, moral, or even SPIRITUAL existence of humans.

Another collaborator of Novosti - Mr.Kumaramangalam, accompanied by
the author during his trip to Samarkand. Mr.Kumaramangalam refused to
yeld to the KGB-Novosti pressure to Influence his brother — Chief of
General Staff of Indian armed forces. Several years later he died in an air
crash.

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PENTAGONS GUN FODDER OR AMERICAS
CONSCIENCE?

For a long time 1 refused to believe that our anti-Arnerican pro-
paganda, even with a little help from such friends as Jane Fonda and
Harrison Salisbury, could so successfully mislead the world that no
one seemed able to see who was the real aggressor in Vietnam. Until 1
met four US Army deserters.

It happened on September 16, 1968, while Novosti staffers were
still recuperating from the shock inflicted on us by the "normaliza-
tion" of fraternal Czechoslovakia by our tanks. 1 was summoned by
our Asia Department boss, comrade Pushkov. In his office 1 was
introduced to an unsmiling comrade in civilian clothes, whom 1
identified as a GRU (military intelligence) officer. For a KGB he
lacked that peculiar expression of dishonesty and artificial politeness
on his face. It was explained to me that, together with the serious
comrade and an APN photographer, 1 was to visit a group of
Americans, "honest young men, the conscience of America," said the
boss. "Communist defectors," 1 thought. "How boring!"

A black APN Volga took us by Leningradskoye shosse about 70
km north of Moscow. It was getting dark when we turned east into an
unpaved country road, and went on through mud and large puddles
for another half hour. On the way we passed two small gray collective
farms, where, despite the total electrification achieved after the
seventh five-year plan, not a single "llyich light bulb" was to be seen.
Finally we entered an old estate on the bank of a small river. It looked
like a large neglected park or a pioneer camp, with sandy driveway,
rare flowrer beds, and numerous propaganda posters on plywood
boards stuck wherever possible. The slogans were in English and
Russian.

In a large guest room of an ancient pre-revolutionary mansion, we
found four young boys in blue jeans and worn-out sweaters, looking
like anything but the US Army soldiers we used to see on photo-
graphs in the Soviet media, with sarcastic captions such as "Penta-
gon's gun fodder," "American military war criminals," etc. Two of
them had long, untidy hair, one sported a beard "a-la-Russ" and the
fourth desperately wanted to look like Che Guevara. The "gun fod-
der" or "America's conscience" were playing billiards and were
obviously bored. Our arrival was a welcome change for them.

Their story sounded like many other stories about Vietnam 1 had
read in West European and Canadian newspapers. Charles Nathan
Smith, Sarry Tipton, Robert Fiorris and Joseph Parra met in a

-59-

hospital in Japan, where all four of them had been sent for treatment
of minor wounds and detoxification from drug abuse. Released from
the hospital, the Gls spent some time with Japanese girls, following
the Beatles' slogan, "make love not war," and decided to dedicate the
rest of their lives to the struggle for peace.

For smiling red-head Sarry Tipton, it was "a hopeless war"
because, as he said, the moment the Americans left, it would take the
Communists two days to liberate the South. Charles Smith's excuse
was "fear of becoming a professional killer." Handsome Mexican-
looking field doctor Joseph Parra expressed the desire "to treat, not
wounds, when it is too late, but peoples 1 heads, before they go to
war." Robert Fiorris, the one with Czar Nicholas' beard, had a good
reason to desert. It is criminal, he said, to kill the Vietnamese just
because they want to live under Communism.

Having come to these profound conclusions, the four Gls one day
walked right into the Soviet embassy and asked for political asylum
and a chance to tell the world the truth about Vietnam. Both requests
were promptly granted. The deserters were flown to Moscow and
introduced to the expert on truth: Novosti.

The "press-conference" lasted hardly a quarter of an hour. The
deserters, it seemed, knew all of my questions ahead of time, and 1
definitely knew in advance every one of their answers. Putting my
tape recorder aside, 1 tried to get rid of the GRU comrade by inviting
the boys for a walk in the park, hoping for something more sincere in
an informal atmosphere. Nothing doing! Even then, the boys went
on playing back our propaganda to me: the United States was bad,
Hanoi was good; killing the North Vietnamese with American
bombs was a crime, killing the South Vietnamese with Soviet-made
rockets was an anti-colonial struggle, therefore it was "good."

The damn "rest home" had no bar, where 1 could pump some
vodka into the Americans to make them less progressive, and the
GRU agent was uncooperative when 1 suggested that we send our
Volga to the nearest village store for a bottle. So, my efforts to get a
"balanced" picture of the Vietnam war failed miserably. Time was
running short, and the Novosti photographer, having exposed all his
film, had lost interest in geopolitics and was impatient to go back
home. So, we shook hands, pronounced meaningless "goodlucks"
and "see-you-laters," and left.

On the way back to Moscow it suddenly dawned on me that the
Americans may actually have been telling me the truth, the way they
saw it. Why would they care who is the real aggressor and who is the
victim? They wanted to survive, and to enjoy life. And any "truth"
which helped them to survive was OK with them. What do they care

-60-

if that "truth" happens to be a big Communist lie, fabricated for the
ultimate purpose of ''liberating mankind," which means destroying
the society that has given them birth, life, and freedom, and which
society now asked that they defend it by risking their lives? Their
choice was clear: to die defending the better and freer society, or to
survive in the worst one. Dead or red? They have chosen red and
alive, and they do not want to be called traitors for making that
choice. They'd rather be called "America's conscience."

I, too, was contemplating defection. 1 would gladly have changed
places with these Gls. But how about dying? And what sort of truth
1 would offer to justify my treason? Would anyone believe me if 1 said
that betraying my country's inhuman and aggressive system, to help
the West, is an act of conscience, self-sacrifice, and heroism?

These thoughts were driving me crazy. At moments like these, 1
needed a glass of vodka or a good friend to talk to. Or both. And,
sending our photographer and Volga to the office, I flagged down a
taxi and zoomed by the Ring Road to Kuntsevo Hospital, reserved
for apparatus of the Central Committee and nomenklatura. There,
behind the tall barbed-wire fence, in a "special" room with a TV set,
my former schoolmate Vadim Smirnov was recuperating after an
operation on his eye. (He had lost one eye in a stupid fight in Pitsun-
da, a Central Committee Black Sea resort, where, he said, a group of
Georgians and local thugs trespassed onto the "Party property" and
started a squabble with the Moscovites).

Kuntsevo hospital is heavily guarded by militia, but one has to
know our Soviet security system. I sneaked into the area through a
fox-hole under the face, about two hundred meters away from the
brightly lit gateway. Once inside, no internal guard had the right to
stop me. I got to the 8th floor uneventfully, and found comrade
Smirnov in a rather depressed state of mind. His eye ached, and his
reputation, as the youngest apparatchik in the India section of the
International Department of the CC, was in question.

Nevertheless, Smirnov was glad to see me, and as usual, ready to
listen to my problems or crazy ideas. 1 relayed to Smirnov the story of
my meeting with the four American deserters, including their excel-
lent playback of our propaganda, and then I shared some of my
thoughts with him. How come, I asked, we're hysterical about the
"psychological war of the Pentagon," but the American Gl's 1 had
just met were so shamelessly "unbrainwashed"? How come the US
Army is unable to occupy the whole damn country of Vietnam, if
they're really the "warmongers" our propaganda claims? How come
the war goes on — on the territory of South Vietnam, not the North,
if, as we claim, the "democratic" Vietnamese are a "peace-loving

-61 -

nation"? How do we, the Soviet people, benefit from supporting the
Communists in Vietnam?

The young apparatchik was silent for a while, and then, instead of
an answer, almost like a biblical prophet he told me a story, a dream
he had had recently. The symbolism of my friend's dream shook me
strongly.

"I found myself in an armored personnel carrier as it climbed onto
the steep bank of a marsh, coughing out clouds of exhaust. In front of
us, somewhere beyond a cluster of bushes and palm trees, we could
hear sharp bursts of machine gun fire and the occasional blasts of
mortars. My companions were strong, healthy boys, and 1 could not
tell if they also were feeling the same sickening fear in their stomachs,
as 1 did. With tightly pursed lips, and calm eyes with flickers of steel
in them, they serenely looked at the scenery from under their camou-
flaged helmets set low above their eyebrows, as if they were on a
sightseeing tour of Vietnam, not at war. They sat in straight but
relaxed postures, casually holding their carbines. Some quietly chat-
ted with their neighbors. A black soldier next to me was elegantly
smoking something suspicious. There were about twenty of them,
plus a sergeant. Their lazy laughter and crude jokes, which 1 did not
understand, were in screaming discord with my own mood, and they
irritated me. 1 felt out of place among these American soldiers, with
my own fears, my dogmatic ideas, in the middle of a strange war
which, in a way, was inexplicably a concern of mine.

'Laugh your stupid heads off,' 1 mumbled in a trembling voice.
'Damned cowboys! Why bother yourselves with such things as
conscience?'

"Nobody responded. No one even turned his head to look at me.
Fear and anger swelled in my chest, and words uncontrollably
started pouring out of me, before 1 could realize what the hell 1 was
talking about.

"Who gave you the right to kill the Vietnamese?" 1 asked in a loud
voice, tense with indignation 1 did not really feel. 'Why don't you go
home to your color TVs and pumpkin pies, and leave the Vietnamese
alone, to decide what they really want, communism or your so-called
democracy?' 1 almost shouted at the soldiers.

"Again, there was no response. The black soldier looked through
me and tossed a roach over his shoulder. There was an ominous
pause, and in the hot humid air the sound of my voice competed with
the roar of the engine and bursts of gunfire. 1 knew 1 should shut up,
but 1 could not.

" 'You are the professional killers!' 1 shouted at the top of my
lungs. 'You are the brainless gun fodder of the Pentagon! You are the

-62-

"universal soldiers/' as your own Bob Dylan calls you! You are . . .
you . . .'

"Someone behind me asked in a soft voice "Who the hell is he?' And
1 didn't know whether he was asking about me, or Bob Dylan.

"The carrier braked sharply and stopped in a cloud of red dust.
'Dismount! ' ordered the sergeant in a strangely un-military tone.
And the soldiers started jumping out of the carrier, lightly and grace-
fully as cats. Several G Is stepped right over me, as if 1 were an object.
The sounds of guns grew louder and closer. Somewhere above, an
Army chopper rattled through and disappeared beyond the tops of
the palm trees. While I was watching it, the American soldiers silently
moved into the bush, leaving me alone in the carrier. There was a wild
orgy of gunfire, several blasts, and then a deafening silence. The tops
of the bushes swayed, ahead of the carrier. In a moment 1 saw the tip
of a machine gun popping out of a grass thicket. Then the black-
haired head of a Vietcong soldier. Then another. And another from
the right. With trembling hands I reached into the pocket of my shirt
and produced a handful of badges with Lenin's profile on a red back-
ground, and a couple of postcards with views of the Red Square and
the Kremlin.

"Don't shoot!" I pleaded. M am Friend! Russki! Freedom! Peace!
Communism!" 1 shouted in a strained, hoarse voice, waving the
postcards at the Vietcong. They silently encircled the carrier. The
leader of the group guardedly walked up to me, and with a movement
of his Kalashnikov barrel ordered me to step down. Keeping the
muzzle aimed at me with one hand he took the badges and the post-
cards with the other, and stuffed them into his tunic pocket, eyeing
me all the time unemotionally. 1 tried to smile, and stretched out my
hand as a sign of friendship. The Vietnamese pulled the trigger and
shot three times into my stomach, sending me back against the
carrier. The last things I saw were his calm, hateful eyes, and the steel-
covered butt of his Kalashnikov crushing my skull against the steel
wall of the carrier . . ."

The only way 1 could interpret this dream of the Central Commit-
tee's apparatchik is: guilt, the feeling most of my generation of the
Soviet "new class" desperately want to suppress. Because, unlike the
American "peaceniks," we know perfectly well who is the aggresor,
and our conscience bothers us.

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4. Assorted Radio-Talk Shows — touching upon every
imaginable subject, from "Star Wars" to sex in Siberia.
Listen to me being interrogated by the most inquisitive
(but LOVING) audience — American listeners.
Prices: $5.69 for one single selection, $7.99 for two,
$14.69 for the set of three different selections, postpaid.

5. "THE BEST OF SCHUMAN" on videotape. Two
hours of continious battle of ideas, recorded during my
TV appearances — from "700 club" to "Round Table
With the Marxists". Also included: rny slide show,
biographical story and examples of Western media being
manipulated by the KGB. This tape is not only an "eye
opener", it is pure fun, I like it! So did some 60,000,000
Americans who saw me on TV and send me their letters of
love and appreciation. Quality may not be as good as
CBS, but what you expect for $39.60?

+ + + + *

Mail you checkes made to N.A.T.A.

Answering your letters

TOMAS SCHUMAN was born under the
name of Yuri Bezmenov in 1939 in
Moscow, the son of a senior officer of the
Soviet Army's General Staff. He graduat-
ed from the prestigious Institute of
Oriental Languages of Moscow State
University, specializing in the languages of
India and Pakistan.

Recruited by the KGB's propaganda
appendix — the "Novosti" (news) Press
Agency (APN), he spent several years in
India first as a translator for a Soviet
economical "aid" group, and later as a
press officer with the USSR embassy in
New Delhi.

Fed up with the dirty business of KGB
subversion and terrorism directed against
U.S. interests in the Developing countries
and burdened by the knowledge that his
work could lead to the deaths of millions of

innocent civilians in Asia, Africa and Latii
America, Schuman defected to the West ii
1970 disguised as an American hippie
Schuman was quietly smuggled in by th
CIA from Bombay, flown to Athens vij
Israel, debriefed, given a new identity to
protection, and granted freedom to land ii
Canada.

Here Schuman was a farm hand, trucl
driver, electric welder, security guard
language instructor, proofreader for tin
Globe and Mail newspaper, and produce
for the Canadian Broadcasting Corpora
tion (CBC International). Later he workei
on several documentary and feature filn
projects, such as 'The KGB Connections
and "Final Assignment", as assistant to tin
director.

Schuman is now a freelance writer am
columnist for the American-Russiai
weekly newspaper "Panorama", publishei
in Los Angeles. He is also a politics
analyst specializing in Soviet Affairs, and i
founding member of the New Americai
Talent Association (NATA) — a Lo
Angeles based group of writers, journal
ists, actors and enterprisers who havi
become Americans by choice, not by birth
and who strongly believe that the U.S.A.
though not perfect, is simply the bes
country in the world.
Schuman often lectures on the principles
methods and goals of Communist sponso
ed disinformation and ideological subver
sion -in media, and suggests ways ant
means of protecting U.S. public opinioi
from manipulation by KGB's agents o
influence. He is the author of numerou
books, essays and articles and ha
produced multi-media shows on KGB 1
"active measures".

This booklet will be shipped postpaid for
the following prices: 1*9 copies, $5.60 each; 10-99 copies, $4.60 each;
100-999 copies, $3.60 each; 1000 or more copies, $Z90

NATA

ALMANAC
Los Angeles, 19S6